these reasons, Sir, it appears to me, that there exists no well-founded hope, that, in the course of this war, we shall derive any advantage from continental co operation, unless we put ourselves in a situation to take a commanding part in a continental war, by providing such an army as shall at once convince those, whose alliance we desire, of the sincerity of our views and the solidity of our power.

From discontents in France we have, if possible, still less to hope. There was, indeed, a time when much might have been reasonably hoped for from that source; but, that time is past; the French royalists have sten a peace of Amiens, and they have read of the proposition for sending GEORGES and his gallant companions to Canada. The time was not, perhaps, entirely past, at the beginning of this war; but, things are now completely changed, and never again, during the present struggle, will there be found in France a single arm raised in a cause in which England is engaged.--Besides, Sir, for us to hope for discontents in France, we ought to be able to assign some reason why such discontents should now exist, or should hereafter arise. There is reason enough, indeed, in the circumstance of Napoleon's being an Usurper. But, this sort of reason never has had any weight against a famous military chief; and, we should recollect, too, that, though the collecting of the suffrages of the people might be a mere mockery, yet, the dynasty of Buonaparté has, in appearance at least, been established by the choice of the French nation. If we look at the pri vileged estates, the nobility and the clergy, we find that the old nobility are either destroyed, or incorporated with the new; that the clergy are a body as much of Napoleon's creation as is the legion of honour; and, that not only the interests, but the honour (or, call it the character, or reputation) and the veryexistence, of both, are inseparably interwoven with the new dynasty, or, in other words, with the Usurpation. But, the coronation of Napoleon, which has been a sub. ject of so much mirth, real or affected, in the British metropolis, is a circumstance of a still higher order. Its influence will be felt by every Roman Catholic in the world; and,

we should not forget, that of the people of all Europe, these realms included, two-thirds, or thereabouts, are of the Roman Catholic religion. The London prints affect to regard the Pope as a poor miserable old "creature, dragged from his home, at this "inclement season of the year, and at the "evident risk of his life, to act, a part in the impious farce of anointing the head and "sanctifying the sword of a regicide and an

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apostate, previous to his being crowned "with an Imperial Diadem." l'oor miserable old creature, if they will have it so; regicide and apostate, as long as they please; but, Sir, the coronation, whatever be the actors, is no " farce:" on the contrary, it may, I fear, be justly regarded, as a sort of prelude to the most serious and most awful drama that ever yet was exhibited on the face of the earth. The former, and, for aught I know, the present, impiety of Napoleon, has been, and may be notorious; though the world will not fail to form a just opinion of the motives of the British ministerial prints, in preferring this charge against him now, when their praises of him during peace are remembered, and when it is recollected, that the British ministers, particularly your col league Lord Hawkesbury, solemnly assured the Parliament that, at the peace, Napoleon had publicly asked pardon of God and man." But, supposing the new Emperor still to be impious; and supposing his act of apostacy in Egypt to be a stain never to be washed out. Will this circumstance tend to lessen the effects of the Papal benediction? Does history tell us, that the apostacy of Henry IV rendered him an unpopular, or a feeble monarch? Or, do we read, that he was a most beloved and a most potent prince; and, though he perished at last by the hands. of an assassin, his death is said to have occasioned more public grief than that of any king of France, St. Louis only excepted. To the editors of London newspapers the Pope may, both now and at all other times, appear as a poor miserable old creature.' But, we must not, without hesitation, conclude that he will, at any time, appear in that light to the Roman Catholics of any country. The present Pope is not only in fact, but in right, according to the Roman Catholic faith, the head of their church; and, I must confess myself completely at a loss to discover how either his person or his office has been humiliated and degraded" by his being called in to confirm a title, and to give his sanction to an authority, conferred by a nation consisting of thirty-five millions of people, or, assumed by the most powerful sovereign, or chief, in the world.

rity of Napoleon's government: will not the people of France thereby be rouzed?' In answer to this, I cannot, in the first place, help observing; that, if we deny, that a despotic government is the only government suited to the character of Frenchmen, and that, repeating the sentiment of Voltaire, "good or bad they must have a master;" if we deny this, I cannot help observing, that I and all those who have entertained and expressed the same opinions with myself, flatly contradict our former assertions; and it must be fresh in every one's memory, that when, during the peace of Amiens, Buonaparté assumed the consulship for life, the ministerial writers expressed their joy on the occasion, regarding a despotic government, in the hands of a single person, as the only means of preserving tranquillity in France, who was called Mayor of Garrat, had been before certain police magistrates, and asked them if there was any legal objection to his taking the title of Emperor, and being crowned accordingly, whereupon he was, it was stated, told by the magistrates, that there was certainly no impediment to the assumption. The account of the intended coronation shall be given in their own words.

PROCLAMATION. To our dutiful "and loving subjects of Garrat. "We, "the Imperial Court of Garrat, do hereby "give notice to our beloved Subjects, that "Our August Emperor, Sir Harry Dims"dale, will be crowned, at his Imperial "Palace, the King's Head, in Old Comp"ton-street, Soho, on Monday the 15th day "of October, in the year of our Lord 1804,

at the hour of eight o'clock in the evening. "Given at Our Court, in Compton-street, "this 12th day of October, 1804.-GoD

SAVE THE EMPEROR!-The curiosity of "the public was so great to see this mock "coronation, that it was hardly possible at "eight o'clock, the hour appointed, to find

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even standing room in the place where the "Emperor was intended to be crowned. "The Emperor, (who is a very little and de "formed man, who used to hawk muffins "about the streets) delivered three or four “speeches full of professions of patriotism, " and attention to the interests of the peo"ple, in a strain of caricature of the decla"rations which are too frequently made in ex"alted situations with as little sincerity as "Sir Harry's. His Majesty made a bun·gle in the delivery of one of his speeches, "which was very excusable, as he did

and of "healing the wounds of Europe." These were their very words. Yet, now weare seeking, in this very sort of government, for the infallible means of disturbing the tran quillity of France, and for again opening "the wounds of Europe !" It is curious to observe how men's opinions change with their situations. How anxious they seem to find out the means of hiding their dangers and disgrace even from themselves in the next place, Sir, I should like to know, whence it is that these writers now conclude, that the severity of the government of France will produce discontents amongst the people of that country, while these same writers are daily contending, that, by similar means, a contrary effect has been produced in Ireland. Suffer me to quote, for instance, the Morning Post news-paper of the 13th inst.:"

openly express their disappointment and "dissatisfaction at having paid their half"6 pence and not seeing a crown furnished. "Most fortunately there came in a party of "volunteers, who offered themselves to consti"tute his body-guard, and immediately ar

ranged themselves on his right and left for "the defence of his royal person. Good "order was attempted to be restored, by a "motion that the coronation should be post"poned to the 9th of November, the day "fixed for another coronation, when it was

hoped that his Holiness the Pope might be "prevailed on to assist in the performance "of this important ceremony. The mobi "lity, however, had come to see a corona"tion, and a coronation of some sort they "would have. A crown bowl of punch 66 was thought to come nearest in rank and "sound of its title to the imperial crown. It "was placed upon his royal head by his body-gnard, and God save the King' was sung in full chorus. Several huzzas and "shouts of Long live the Emperor' pro"claimed that he was legally invested with "the dignity."-The volunteers coming to. form his body-guard was quite in character. But, was the satire really aimed at Bonaparté? How could the anthem of " God

save great George our King," sung in burlesque, be meant as a satire on the em, peror of France? I think one may perceive through the whole scene, and the description of it, something that it is by no means wise for magistrates to encourage, and that may, if only a little improved upon, tend to the producing of events far from laughable. In short, we may by such means, degrade ourselves, our country, and our govern inent; but never shall we thereby whiten one hair of Napoleon's head, or blant the point of one of his half million of bayonets.

"With respect to the report of the sailing "of the French fleet, we are confident that "no such intelligence has been received ei

ther in England or in Ireland, nor do we "believe that there is the slightest founda❝tion for the statement; and as to the ru"mour of approaching disturbances, we "have the happiness to hear, that in the "best informed and official circles, no ap"prehensions whatever are entertained in "this respect. The reports which have for

some time past been circulated respecting "the state of Ireland, we are now well as46 sured, were, for the most part, erroneous. "No symptoms of discontent have of late been ma"nifested in that country; the accounts rela❝tive to the escape of state prisoners in dif"ferent parts of the country are wholly un* founded, nor have there been for some "time past, any persons of that description ❝ in confinement, except at Kilmainham,

and a very small number at Cork and "Belfast. On the whole, the great body "of the people of Ireland are at present "attached, in a remarkable degree, to the go

vernment, and the country in general is in a far more tranquil and promising state than it has "been for many years past. That there are "some disaffected men in Ireland, the dupes "of wicked and designing outcasts, our in"formation does not warrant us to deny; but

we have the consolation to know, that a "very great proportion of the people are "actuated by the most sincere and ardent "sentiments of loyalty; and that should the

enemy ever succeed in reaching the shores "of that country, they will find hundreds "of thousands ready to repel the aggres ❝sion, and to turn the attempt to the utter "destruction of the aggressors." Now, Sir, I by no means insinuate, that the government of Ireland, though the habeas corpus act is suspended and though the people are

able to martial law, is as severe as the government of Buonaparté. My argument does not require that fact to be established. But, I humbly presume to suppose that it will be granted, that the government of Ireland is somewhat more severe than it was before the habeas corpus act was suspended and before the people were made liable to be tried and adjudged by martial law; if this be granted, and if it be true that the people of Ireland are now "attached to "their government in a remarkable degree," and that the country in general is in a far more tranquil and promising state than "it has been for many years past," the people being "actuated by the most sincere

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and ardent sentiments of loyalty; if these two positions are advanced, or admitted, I should be glad to hear the argument

whereon these writers ground their hope of discontents against Napoleon, arising from the severity of his government. This ar gument, however, drawn from the experi ence of Ireland, is, it must be confessed, worth nothing, the radical position being shamefully false; and, I have only introduced it in order to shew how completely destitute these writers are of principles whereon to reason.A much better argument, against the opinion that Napoleon's government will be disturbed by domestic discontents, presents itself in the general, and, indeed, the natural effect of such go. vernments; and one may safely aver, that the sovereign who has a body of enterprizing nobility, whatever be their denomination; a national church, to which ninety-nine huadreths of the people are attached; a numerous, well-disciplined, and well-appointed, army: one may safely aver, that he who has all these at his command, need be under little apprehension from the discontents of the people. "The enemies of

tyranny" (said the Oracle newspaper of the 19th ultimo ;)" the enemies of tyranny "and oppression will be glad to hear, that "the French nation itself, doomed for some "time past to vent its complaints in un"availing murmurs, has at last courage "to remonstrate aloud against the usur "pation of Buonaparte, whose pride and " insolence are intolerable. Talleyrand "and Fouche, who may be called his

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are ready to turn against their commanders." Thus, Sir, are the people of this country de ceived; thus are duped; thus are their spi rits buoyed upon by false hopes, by a reliance upon any thing rather than their own national exertions! Napoleon, supposing the force of his authority alone to be insufficient for the purpose of repressing domestic disturbances, has, in the ruling passion of Frenchmen, and in his inclination and ability to gra tify that passion, I mean the love of national glory, means more than quite sufficient to se cure, not only the tranquillity of the state, but the hearts of the people. It is not against a renowned military chief that a people rebels; it is not against such a chief that a people murmurs: no, Sir, they marmar and they rebel against rulers of an exactly opposite description. Such a chief may be