Page images
[ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors]

powers of France, where they might in France can be intimidated by menaces, or dulge their hostile dispositions against their that she will acknowledge the superiority country: nor did she expect such a conduct of any other power : but the history of the from M. Marcoff, the minister of Russia, years which preceded the peace made with 'who was the real cause of the disunion and Russia, plainly demonsirates that that coolness existing between the two powers. power has no more right than any other During his residence in Paris, he constantly to assume a haughty tone towards France. encouraged every kind of intrigue that The Emperor of the French wishes for the could disturb the public tranquillity; and peace of the Continent. He has made he even went so far as, by his official notes, all possible advances to re-establish it with to place ander the protection of the law Russia; he has spared nothing to maintain of nations, French emigrants, and other it : but with the assistance of God and agents, in the pay of England. --France did his arms, he is not in a situation to fear any not expect that Russia would purposely send one.--The undersigned requests M. le on a mission to Paris, those ofdicers who had Chargé-d'Affaires of Russia, to accepl the excited strong complaints against them, as assurance of his perfect cousideration.-was well known to that governinent. Strange CH. Maua. TALLEYRAND, conduct, when it is considered what is the duty of all governments; but still more so,

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPER. when reference is made to the article alrea PAPAL ALLOCUTION,Allocution deliver, dy cited.-Lasily, was the mouring which ed by his Holiness the Pope to a Secret Consistory the Court of Russia assumed for a man, adiressed on the 29th of October 1804, precierily whom the tribunals of France had con 10 his departure from Rome on his journev to France, demned for having plotted against the in order to assist in the Coronation of the Emperor Balety of the French government, such Napoleon, a conduct as was conformable to the Venerable Brethren ;-It was from this letter or the spirit of this article? place that the Concordat was begun by us, The French government demands the exe his Majesty the Emperor of the French theo cution of the gth article of the secret con First Consul; and it is from this place that vention, in which it is stated, “ that the we have communicated to you that joy with two contracting parties ackowledge and which the God of all comfort has caused guarantee the independence and the con our hearts to overflow for the happy change, stitution of the Republic of the Seven or conversion to the interest of the Catholic United Islands, formerly belonging to Religion, which has been produced by that Venice; and that it be agreed, that there Concordat in those vast and populous se shall be no foreign troops in those i lands;" gions. From that time the Holy Temples an article evidently violated by Russia, as have been again opened and purified from she has continued to send troops thither, the profanations they had endured: altars which she has openly reinforced, and has were again built, the standard of the charged the government of that country, health-bearing Cross was again raised, without the consent of France.-France the true worship of God restored, the also demands the execution of the second

august mysteries of religion freely and article of the same convention, the evident publicly celebrated, lawful pastors given application of which should have been, that to the people who could labour in feeding instead of manifesting such a partiality for flock. The Catholic Religion itself most England, and of becoming, perhaps, the happily èmerged from that obscurity in fi:st auxiliary of its ambition, Russia should which it had been buried, and placed in have been united to France, in order to noon-day splendor in the unidst of that consolidate a general peace, to re-estab. renowned nation, so many souls recalled lish a just balance in the four parts of the from the paths of error into the bosom of world, and to procure the liberty of the eternity, and reconciled to themselves and

These are the precise expressions to their God : these considerations united, of the article.--Suchi ought to be with justly filled our hearts with joy and exultaout doubi, the conduct of the two powers, tion which we poured out to the Lord. --respecting the treaty which binds them That great and wonderful task not only then both ; but the cabinet of Russia expects excited in our minds the most lively gratithat France will fulfil the stipulations to tude to that powerful Prince, who in estawhich she is engaged, without executing blishing the Corcordat, pui forth all bis those which she is bound to perform. This power and authority to accomplish it; bot is acting like a conqueror towards a van. the recollection must always incline our quished power : this is to suppose that mind whenever the opportunity shall offer.

[ocr errors]


to prove that we are still strongly impressed reading the rolls in Sir Robert Cotton's with those feelings towards him.- And now abridgment, which they copied with all its the same most powerful Prince, our dearest omissions, misapprehensions, and confusions, son in Christ, Napoleon, Emperor of the notwithstanding the t honest caution of the French, who has deserved so well of the Ca indefatigable and faithful Prynue, in his pretholic Religion for what he has done, has sig face to that publication. As to the contempified to us his strong desire to be anointed porary authors, with whose accounts all is aswith the holy unction, and to receive the Im serted to have been compared, they have in perial Crown from us, to the end that the reality been neglected, for succeeding chrosolemn rights which are to place him in the niclers and modern historians; and the conbighest rank, shall be strongly impressed necting matter is heaped together without with the character of religion, and call much discrimination in the selection, subdown more powerfully the benediction of jecied to no rest of critical scrutiny, in vaHeaven. (To be continuerd.) ·

rious parts irreconcileable to itrelf, and still.

more "irreconcileable to the authentic facts, INCAPACITY OF HENRY THE SIXTH. which it professes to explain and illustrate. LETTER V.

The several hands," who are said to have Sir,

Glorying with just pride, as from compiled it, appear to have wanted one prethe days of Sir John Fortescue *, we pub- siding mind. The whole work demands, licly have gloried, in the superiority of our and deserves to be revised and re-niodelled own constituition; cherishing with enlight. by some person equal to the task. In the ened affection that form of a national coun mean time, however, such as we have it, it is cil, by which we are happily distinguished, the only one, to which they who desire parand which grew up here, by fortune as much liamentary information of ready access, will As by wisdom, out of the assemblies of the naturally have recourse, For ibis reason I Three Estales, common to us, and to many have thought it expedient to say thus much of the neighbouring governments; and, here, by way of general exception against its looking up with veneration to the usages of authority hereafter : but, my present busithat body, as the most sacred of our laws, ness is merely with two observations taken and the surest pledge for our enjoyment of from other works. The one charges a disali che rest ; it seenus almost unaccountable, graceful inconsistency; the other seems to that will the iniddle of the last century, we

ascribe, though with expressions of approbadid not possess a single history, which ever tion, rather 100 prudent a complaisance to attempted to give a regular narrative of the Parliament, at the very period, to which our proceedings in Parliament. The work then | inquiries are directed. published under the title of a Parliamentary In relating the impeachment of the Duke History of England, promises much; yet in of Suffolk, Speed had called it a most vile truth, it contains little to commend, except thing in the House of Commons, shat they the design. In the earlier times, including should charge“ that as a crime now, which the reign of which I am writing, it affects to " they themselves had in a former Parliaþc derived wholly “ from the records, the

ment consented unto and ratified" A © Parliament-rolls, and the most reputable Parliamentary History might bave been ex

of our ancient writers ;” and much praise pected to have exposed ihe futility of the is bestowed on the gentlemen who carefully censure. But it is repeated, witbout being examined those rolls for the purpose. Of adopted indeed, yet also without being conall the merits, however, which are attributed futed. The antiherical point is left to pe10 them, I can only subscribe to that of mo netrate as it may, unblunted and unabated. desty in the coucealment of their vames;

And the remark seems in some degree, to unless

you should ratber be disposed to con have caught the candid and judicious Dr. sider that as a solitary proof of good judg- Henry, who has à reflection very similar,

For, whoever dips but cursorily into though a little softened, where he mentions the book, will presently be convinced, that they generally contented themselves with + “Let all professors of the law, and

« other studies, be sure to resort to the ori* See his treatise de laudibus Legum An ginals themselves, and not rely upon the gliæ, in a dialogue with his pupil, Prince “ abridgments alone, to prevent mistakes, Edward, son lo Henry the Vith, and that, “ and errors, yea, the loss of their reputa..

“the difference between an absolute and 6 tions," &c. &c. And he in another place “ limited monarchy," intended for the in points out some striking instances in that struction of Edward the IVth, in the set. particular abridgment. Pref. to Cotton's Mement of the kingdom after the civil war. Abridginent.)


[ocr errors]

the addresses of the two Houses requesting care, so as not to involve the House even in that some reward might be bestowed on the a seeming contradiction. There was no minister for his negotiation of the King's point in it, which at all touched any thing marriage, and a truce with the French. contained in the former address of approba. How different," exclaims he, “ in a few tion.

years after, were the sentiments of Parlia Here I should dismiss this topic; but, I « ment on these subjects !"

must do the parliamentary historiaos ope It might be sufficient to answer, that after piece of comparative jastice. They might three dissolutions and renovations, neither have afforded some useful information of the body itself, nor indeed, the individual times and places, to Sir John Fenn, who, in members who composed it, can be consider a paper of observations on the murder of the ed as the same 1. In fact, of those who had Duke of Suffolk, premises what he calls, "a agreed, or who had objected to the address " short sketch of the proceedings in Parlia. approving the minister's conduct, there was “ ment." Unfortunately, however, preferbut a very small proportion in that House ring his own sagacious conjectures, I prewhich afterwards impeached him. If every sume, and the genuine delectable black-letman of them voted in his favour, their num ter of Stowe, to the patch-work English of bers would detract but little from the autho all ages tacked together by our compilers

, rity of the accusation. But, what was there, and sull more to the bad French, and barbawhich ought to have prevented all from con rous Latin of the original rolls, that learned curring in the articles which were sent to editor has woven for us a pretty slight tissue the Lords? The general principle is of the of his own, in which there is not a single greatest moment. There is no wiser doc fact figured with tolerable accuracy. A sort trine of our constitution, none more desery of felicity in error, that surpasses common ing of being steadily maintained, than the calculation, runs through all the few senright of every Parliament to exercise its own iences of his account. Yet, I should probahonest judgment, unfettered by any declara. bly, have passed this over in silence, had we lions, however direct, explicit, and strong not rather ostentatiously been told, that it they may be ; and still less by any tacit obli was licensed by the Antiquarian Society, at gation to be deduced from the actions of any one of whose meetings the paper was read, preceding Parliament. They who by sur entered on their books, and thanks returned prise, by flattery, by extensive influence of for the communication. Pope woold not whatever kind, ty their own inexperience, allow a dictionary-maker to be a judge of their want of information, or their unsuspi. two words put together; and, we certainly cious candour of mind, have been misled to have seen in more cases than one, that the repose a confidence which from the result most ingenious unriddlers of a device, and they have discovered not to have been me. spellers of a legend on a tradesman's token, rited, are doubly bound in such a case, to the nicest tasters of the precious rust on a vindicate both their country and themselves. Roman shield, or an old brass sconce, and It is the greatest aggravation of their origi-ablest expounders of a well-corroded inscrip: nal fault, in having suffered themselves to be tion about Hardyknute, cannot take into the made the instruments of evil, if they refuse field of their microscopes more than an inch. the only reparation in their power, from a at a time of the general history of their coun. false shame of being taxed with private in. try; and even that is all mist aod confusios. consistency. In the present instance, how I come now, Sir, to the second charge ever, the managers of the popular party be against our afcicnt Parliaments; and that, haved with exemplary prudence and discre as I have intimated, is borrowed from a tion. The impeachment was drawn up with friend, and designed for praise. It is the

remark of Rapin on the conduct of our pars # There is not a single return to the Par liaments during the latter years of Henry the liament of 230 H. VI. now extant, either in VIth, that they * never attempted to swerve Prynne's Lists, or in Browne Willis's Notitia from tbe wholesome principle of declaring for Parliamentaria. But, if the names in the the strongest:

This certainly is but an am. returos of 25th H. VI. be compared with biguous kind of ealogy, which in the conthose in the lists of 28th H. VI, it will be foond, that not above a fifth part of the county * Parl. His. Vol. II. p. 314, note from members, and a still smaller proportion of the Rapin's History of England. Fol. edit. p. Borough-members were the same. It must 597, relative to the first Parliament of Ed: be presumed, that the differences must have ward IV. There is a similar quotation bebren greater between the Parliaments of 23d fore in p. 307, from Rapin, p. 385, relative and 28th 13, 17.

to the last Parliament of Hen. VI.

[ocr errors]

mon course of things is more likely to be tion, we have the most conclusive testimony, deserved by the worst, ihan by the best, which historians should bave consulted in Parliaments. If such prodence be once ge preference to tbeir own imayinations. Yet, nerally received as a just thenie of commen I do not remember, ibat ii bas ever been no, dation, there is somr. danger, that servility ticed. It is the recorded declaration of the may become fashionable. Liitle incitement | Parliament at Coventry, which has been is wanted to make men shriok from a con truly described, as " wholly * made up of tention with power. They are ready enough “ those who were staunch friends of the to yield, whenever they are not prevented by " House of Lancaster ;” and, it is conshame or by principle. They do not find tained in the t pieanble to the bill of atconviction, but an excuse, in grave maxims tainder then passed against Richard and all of prudence, and eloquent declamations op his adherents. They accuse him, as might “ existing circumstances." The great diffi. be expected, of labouring craftily in several culty is to keep them steady to the faithful Parliaments for the diminution of the royal discharge of duties, which are attended with power and auihority, but (continue they, peril. The truth is, however, that whether addressing the King)

addressing the King) “ God put as well in the character be praise or censure, it fails a vs ibe hearts of your Lords, as of your true little in justness of application. Parliaments Cominons, according to their duties, to called after a victory in a civil war, when “ hinder by all means any thing contrary to they cordially co-operate with the power to your prosperity and weal, so that his mawhich they owe their existence, do not de « licious and traiterous purpose was not clare for the strongest: they are necessarily “ achieved." composed of those who forin a part of what Hume himself cannot help. confessing strength : they can only so speak and act here, that " it is impossible not to observe in consistently with their own sincere opinions, " those transactions visible marks of a higher and as true representatives of their consti regard to the law, and of a more fixed autuents; for the leaders of the vanquished " thority enjoyed by Parliament, than las party, obliged to fly and to conceal them " appeared in any former period of English selves for safety, must leave to their adver history." saries the uncontroled domination in the It is superfluous, I am sure, after this to elections. But, as the Duke of York, till add another word on this point. I am only the last Parliament of Henry the Vlih, afraid, that I may seem to have dwelt upon brought forward no claim to the crown; as it much more at length than was necessary. from his natural disposition, from his un. But, some years since, when a claim was feigned tenderness towards the King's per made on in public by His Royal Highness son, from his constant hope of accomplishing the l'rince of Wales, for ibe revenues of the whatever were his views, by genile and Dutchy of Cornwal during his minority, and peaceable means, and from the uniform course some precedent or other was cired from the of his policy, which aimed to establisha his Parliament-rolls of that period, I recollect to reign in the hearts of the people, whoever have read, that it was created by a sad maq might occupy the throne, be only professed of the law, and one of very high authority to iake up arms in self-defence against the too, as noihing short of a faction, sedition, intrigues and violence of bad ministers, who and misprision of treason at least, if not ab. sought his desiruction, was the first in ihe solute Treason it-elf, to have taken even a very moment of success to proclaim his al peep of curiosity into soch abomiņable translegiance, and studied, by his subsequent mo actions. I wisbe, therefore, to establish deration, to efface the remembrance of the force which he had employed; that Prince

* Parl. Hist. Vol. II. p. 292. What is never pushed his triumphs in the field io quoted above, is said indeed, wiih reference those decisive consequences in the state,

to the list of Lords, but below in the same which afterwards inarked the fluctuations of page follows what is rightly called, fortune in every balle. Even in the last strange act in favour of the Prerogative." Parliament at which he assisted, which was

It is “iliat all such knights f any couniy, as summoned after the signal overthrow of the cere returned to this Parliament by viilut of royal army near Northampton; and, in ** the King's letters, without any other election, which his interest must have been of neces

56 should be valid." sily largely predominant, he sufred his † This preamble is a long narrative which claim to the crown to be debated three who.c would bave prevented many blunders in out days, wi'h the most perfect freedom of dis historians, had is been consulted; but, it cussion. As to the former Parliaments, never has been. It must be read with alwhich more concern our present investiga- lowance for the colouring of party.

Supplement to No. 23, Vol. 17.-Price 10

him up,

6 It is

my .


beyond dispute, that ignorance of our his. | county, nor intercourse and acquaintance tory is not indispensable to the character of with it. Now, could any thing more strong. loyaliyo; and that the most devoted courrierly speak a spirit of independence than such of the present day would have found himself an objection? Do you think, Sir, that every in very good company in the least courtly county in every part of this island would as Houses of Commons under Henry the Vlih, pobly vindicare their owo freedom of choice My case now, I trust, is so far satisfactorily at ibis day? In the second letter there is a made out. I am ready to leave it, as it

passage still more striking, and which clearly stands, to the sole decision of the very high proves that such influence in the elections of est authority; that of Lord Ellenborough Norfolk had not been customary

After himself-lam, Sir, &c. &c. &c. T. M. telling Mr. Paston, that when the Duke gave Middle Temple, Nov. 28, 1804.

6. Howard was as mad as a wild P. S. Permit me to remark, that, in my “ bullock;" the writer adds his own reficx. last letier, there is one considerable error of ions which do him much honour The press. The word simple" in p. 805, “an evil precedent" (says be) “ for the Jine 8, should have been printed “ ample.' "shire, that a stranger should be chosen, My materials, are indeed, in one sense " and no worship to my Lord of York, nor “ simple;" they are such as were not diffi Lord of Norfolk to write for him ; for cult of access; but a very great portion of “ if the gentlemen of the shire will suffer them have not yet been used. That ihey “ such inconvenience, in good faith the shire are ample," even beyond what I may have u shall not be called of such worship as it occasion here to detail, my succeeding letters " hath been." Nor, is this all. There is will probably indicate.

another circumstance worthy of notice.

When the Duke gave way, he is represented SIR,---- From my aitachment to the as earnestly insisting, that at least, Sir Thocounty to which I belong, I feel myself mas Todenham should not be the member, obliged to your correspondent T. M. of the nor any one who had inclined to the Duke Middle Temple. In his last letter on the of Suffolk. Yet, from the whole of this part Incapacity of Henry the Vlth, he has very of the correspondence we learn, that Heydon satisfactorily in my opinion, vindicated the who was returned, was most intimately conpublic spirit of our ancestors here in Nor nected with the politics of Sir Thomas Tofolk, from some hasty reflexions of Sir John denham, and next to him was the principal Feon, who ought not to have bewrayed his leader on that side; and, from t one pasown pest. There is, however, in the cor sage it seems, that Calthorp also, the other respondence of the Paston family, some member, favoured the same party, though further evidence relating to the election of with less violence and activity. He knew, 1455, of which your correspondent does not therefore, not only that the Dukes of York seem to have been aware. I shall, therefore, and Norfolk failed, but, that persons of the take the liberty of pointing it out. In the description, which they were most anxious third volume are to be found two, if pot to exclude, succeeded against their ulnost three, letters, which plainly relate to the influence: and this was immediately after same election; though the editor, even in the battle of St. Albans. - I am, Sir, your his chronological table, bas placed them at a constant reader and admirer,--A NORFOLK great distance asunder. I allude to the FREEHOLDER. Tbetford, Nov. 27. Ixth and xcvth letters, which are dated in June, within very few days of each other from the same place, and the latter is palpably Addressed to the Right Hon. Im. Pilt

. the sequel of the former. Boih are from a Sir ;– The subject on which I undertake lawyer of the name of Jenny, then a candi to address you is, perhaps, as important as date, though unsuccessful, for Norwich; any that ever occupied the attention of a and, he relates a conversation which he had Briton. To a man, who has an unfeigned in London with the Duke of Norfolk re love for his country, it is painful to feel, and specting the county election. He reported still more painful to declare, that its power, his canvass. The freeholders, he said, to its consequence, and jis greatness appear on whom he had spoken, were willing to vote for Sir Roger Chamberlayn, but not for folk; a younger brother of Sir Robert's Howard, and the reason which they assign. having had the Norfolk estates, given to him. ed was, that he had not any estate in the + See Paston. Papers, Vol. III. p. 121,

compared with the former part of the letters

, * His father Sir Robert was then living, I especially in p. 119, describing the persona fancy, and settled at Stoke Nayland in Suf who attended then at Walsingham.


« PreviousContinue »