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of February, 1804, and, of course, the knowledge of its existence reached Paris about the time that d'Oubril's answer of the 25th of March was delivered to Talleyrand. When the news of the seizure and execution of the Duke of Enghien reached St. Petersburg, the court must obviously have been extremely well disposed to avail itself of the opportunity, offered by that event, to come to an open rupture with France upon grounds where Russia would appear, not as an ambitious intruder into the affairs of the south of Europe, but, as the champion of the independence of nations, as the defender of the weak against the violence of the strong, as the avenger of injured in nocence upon the heads of the guilty. Accordingly, a note was, on the 22d of April, 1804, delivered to Talleyrand by d'Oubril complaining of the violation of the rights of nations, committed by the French. and notifying that the Emperor had caused his sentiments upon the subject to be made known to the Diet of Ratisbon.* Agreea. bly to this notification, a note was laid before the Diet in a few days after the last-mentioned note was delivered to Talleyrand. This note bears date at Ratisbon on the 5th of May, 1804, and is stated to have been given in on the 6th of that month. M. de Kluppel, the person by whom it is signed, repeats the complaints conveyed in the note of d'Oubril, of the 22d of April, and concludes by expressing the conviction of the Emperor, his master, that the Diet and the Head of the German Empire will do justiec to his disinterested and manifestly indispensible care, and that they will unite their endeavours with him, to transmit their just remonstrances to the French government to prevail on it to take such steps and measures as the violation of their dignity may require, and as the maintenance of their future security may render necessary.+ Whether the Diet and Head of the German Empire thought that the endeavours, which they were thus invited to make would be useless; or whether they regarded the interference of France as being not more inju rious to their dignity, and not more dangerous to their security as the further interference of Russia would be, has not been officially stated to the world; but it is certain, that neither the Head of the German Empire, nor any of its members, the Kings of Great Britain and Sweden (the former as Elector of

* See this note. Register, Vol. VI. p. 29. N. B. The note is there, by mistake, dated 20th April, instead of 22d April.

See the note. Register, Vol. V. p.783.

Hanover, and the latter as Duke of Anterior Pomerania), acted upon the advice of Russia. While the Russian Ministers at Paris and Ratisbon were thus employed at Paris and at Ratisbon, their court, where Marckoff had already been so graciously received and so highly rewarded and honoured, upon his return from Paris, went into mourning for the unfortunate Duke d'Enghien, in which, to the astonishment of those who know nothing of the British cabinet, the example was not followed even by the court of St. James'. Thus affairs remained till July, 1804, on the 21st of which month d'Oubril presented to Talleyrand a note of great length, the substance whereof was given in the preceding sheet, and the whole of which, together with the note from the same to the same, dated 28th of August, 1804, will be given in the next double sheet of this work. Upon delivering this last-mentioned note he puts an end to all friendly in tercourse by notifying the orders he has received to depart, and by demanding the necessary passports. We are accordingly, now informed, that he has returned to Russia, and that the French legation has been ordered to quit, and, of course, has quitted St. Petersburg.- Before I proceed to any remarks upon the case as it is left by these notes of d'Oubril, it will be useful to give a short sketch of the progress of the dispute between France and Sweden, this latter being the only power upon the continent, which, as yet, appears to have entered into the views of Russia.- -In answer to Talleyrand's cir cular letter relative to the intrigues of Drake and Mehée de la Touche, the Swedish minister at Paris made use of the occasion for no other purpose than that of conveying the offence which his master had justly taken at the violation of the territory of Baden, espe cially when considered together with the me lancholy event to which that violation finally led.. But, before this violation of the rights of nations took place, we find, that the King of Sweden, as Duke of Anterior Pomerania, had caused to be delivered in to the Diet at Ratisbon, a note dated there on the 26th of January, 1804,+ remonstrating

See the joint note of the Prussian and othe ministers dated 16th May, 1804; in which they evade the question by expressing their hope, that the First Consul of himself will be inclined to give such satisfaction as shall satisfy Russia. Vol. V. p. 906.-See the note of the King of Great Britain, dated at Ratisbon, 21st July, 1804. Register, Vol. VI. p. 184. And the note of the King of Sweden, dated Ratisbon, 14th May, 1804. Re gister, Vol. VI. p. 358.

+ See this note. Register; Vol. VI. p. 356.

against the violation of the rights of several of the German Princes, which violation being a natural consequence of the system of Indemnities, it was easy to see the reason why Russia did not join in the remonstrance; but it must not be forgotten, that already the dispute between Russia and France had proceeded to great lengths, and the quarrel with Marckoff had become a matter of public notoriety. Before this took place, Sweden ob served a perfect silence upon the subject of the acts of plunder committed upon the German Princes. The violation of the territory of the Elector of Baden was a new, and leaving all consideration of motive out of the question, a very just cause of complaint with his Swedish Majesty, whose minister at Ratisbon, at the distance of only eight days in dete, strenuously seconded the call of Russia upon the Emperor and the Germanic Body, to demand satisfaction. On the 27th of July 1804, another note was delivered in to the Diet of Ratisbon, on the part of his Swedish Majesty, not merely referring to the Russian note of the month of May preceding, but repeating all the sentiments of that note, and enforcing the necessity of a general cooperation in acting upon its principles, and its specific recommendation.† In the mean time, the Elector of Baden, the father-in-law of the King of Sweden, and the Prince whose territory had been violated for the purpose of seizing the Duke d'Enghien and putting him to death; this very prince had, before the presenting of the last-mentioned Swedish note, implored the Diet not to suffer the representations made by Russia and Sweden to be followed by any further consequences! In this note the French government and "its EXALTED HEAD," were spoken of as the benefactors of Germany, and in which it was signified that explanations, perfectly suitable to the good dispositions of France, had been given even as to the occurrences in question! After this, for the Duke of Anterior Pomerania still to persevere in his remonstrances to the Diet of Ratisbon, still to call up the blood of the duke d'Enghien appears to have been too much for the patience of Buonaparté, who, upon the eve of becoming an emperor, thinking it beneath him, perhaps, to enter into a diplomatic quarrel with a duke, delegated to the Moniteur the task of making one general reply to all the com-ject and for the same reason a re-perusal plaints of his Swedish Majesty. This task was executed on the 14th of August, 1804; and that the execution exhibited very little of

moderation, very little abstinence from reproach, and even from abuse, need hardly be stated; but, it is not unworthy of notice, that, amongst the reproaches of the Moniteur, was that of the King of Sweden's remaining neuter during the late Continental war, which, the Moniteur observes, was the proper time for him to have come forward" for the defence of the Germanic Constitution.* In consequence of this disrespectful and virulent publication, his Swedish Majesty, condescending to notice the Moniteur in question in express terms, did, by a note delivered by his order, to the French, minister Caillard at Stockholm, on the 7th, of September, 1804, put an end to diplomatic intercourse between Sweden and France. This note, which does not appear to have. been the result of very mature deliberation, and in which his Swedish Majesty certainly descended too low in disputing with the editor of a French newspaper, concludes by stating, that, as a sentence in the article of the Moniteur seems to imply, that the French, government is disposed to admit that the commercial intercourse between Sweden and France would be attended with some advantages, his Majesty, on his part, is wil ling to permit the same from those sentiments of esteem which he has always entertained for the French people, sentiments which he bas inherited from his ancestors, and which owe their origin to far happier times. This was not what one could have wished, espe-, cially after it had been observed, in the body of the note, that, if the object of the Moni teur was to separate the people of Sweden from their sovereign, the object would not be accomplished. Nor was it without much mortification that, on the same day on which.. this note was delivered to the French minis ter, an order was issued from the CourtChancellor of Sweden, prohibiting the im portation of French newspapers into the dominions of his Swedish Majesty, thereby evincing a dread of that effect of which in the note, the king had expressed his contempt. The foregoing historical sketch appeared necessary as an introduction to any discussion upon the merits of the dispute between the Northern Courts and Franc. The official documents have been referred to, because a re-perusal of them may contribute to a still clearer understanding of the sub

See note. Register, Vol. VI. p. 358.
See the note. Register, Wol. VI. p. 234. •

of a demi-official paper circulated on the continent in defence of the views of Russia

See this paper from the Moniteur. Register Vol. VI. p. 356:0 360.

See the Order. Register, Vol. VI. p. 428.

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"whose conduct towards France had under

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gone an unaccountable alteration; the "glaring partiality which Russia uniformly "manifested towards England, and the per"fidious conduct and plots of M. Marckoff, "who had increased the differences between "the two governments, and had engaged in all the wicked designs of the emigrants

and disaffected persons in France that "these were the real causes which induced "the Russian government to adopt that cold "inexplicable conduct. towards France,

which it had lately thought proper to " evince upon every occasion:-That finally, "if notwithstanding all the solicitude of the

Emperor of the French to maintain the "relations of peace and amity between the

two countries, the Emperor of Russia "should join his arms to those of England, "the Emperor of the French would in that " event rely on the skill and valour of his ar

mies, and would maintain at every hazard "the honour of France, and the lustre of "the French name." -The materials for judging with minute correctness upon this great subject are yet incomplete. We want the French note previous to the 21st of July; that note, in which Talleyrand answered to, D'Oubril's note of the 22d of April, and in which D'Oubril states, that "the French

is recommended.*-The Russian note delivered to Talleyrand on the 21st of July last, as well as that which was delivered to him on the 28th of August, and in which the diplomatic inte: course was put an end to, will be inserted at full length in a future sheet of the Register. The note puts forward very little new matter; and the substance of the former note has been laid before the public in the preceding sheet, p. 643. Since the appearance of the Russian notes, the substance of the French note, delivered in answer to the Russian note, has appeared, and it is as follows: "After stating the astonishment of the Em " peror of the French at the complaints of Russia, and the tone in which they are expressed, which is represented as being that "of a conqueror, dictating to a subject power, instead of the familiar tone which ought to be used between two countries standing upon terms of intimacy, and "treating upon a system of perfect equality, the note asserts -That France has a ❝right to reproach Russia with having neglected to execute her engagements; with having interfered and changed the government of the Seven Islands, which was placed under the joint guarantee of France, Russia, and the Porte, without any concert or communication with France; with having sent large bodies of troops to Corfu, and having made an ostentatious preparation of sending additional numbers. That the Emperor of Russia had also given an open reception to the emi<< grants of every description, and had conferred on them public employments; aud so far from expelling from his dominions the individuals of the Bourbon Family and their head, had allowed them an asylum in the Russian territories, and had participated in their criminal projects; contrary to the wise example of his father, at the time of his endeavouring to termi-it." We clearly enough perceive from nate the war, and to restore the tranquillity of Europe :-That Russia had also recently placed itself in a posture of direct defiance to France, by ordering a court mourning as a mark of respect to the memory of an agent in the pay of England, engaged in a criminal design to effect the a fuin of France: that Russia had acted "in this manner, after this traitor to his country had been condemned by the just decision of a tribunal of the French go"vernment, and had been executed in pur 26 suance of its sentence:-That these and many other examples of the ill disposition of the Russian government, the whole of

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* See Register; Vol. VI. p. 488.

cabinet (to maintain its erroneous princi"ples) deviated so far from every requisite. "decorum and the regard due to truth, as "to allege examples which were allo "gether improper to be mentioned; that "it in an official document, recalled even a father's death to the recollection of his "illustrious son, in order to wound his ten

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der feelings; and that (contrary to all "truth and to all probability) it raised an "accusation against another government "whom France never ceases to calun "niate, merely because she is at war with

this, that Talleyrand, in answer to the re-.
monstrances of Russia relative to the viola-
tion of the territory of Baden and the exe
cution of the Duke D'Enghien, reproached
the Emperor of Russia with something re
specting the taking-off of his father, the
Emperor Paul, and reproached the English
government with an attempt to assassinate
Buonaparte. But, the want of this note of
Talleyrand leaves a material chasm in the
correspondence. That the note was, as D'O
bril states,
at once evasive and out-
rageously indecorous, can easily be believed;
yet it is wanted; and, in not publishing it,,
there is an appearance of unfairness, which
always has a tendency to injure the cause of
the party from whom it proceeds.--We

would, if the latter became the protectoress of Italy, have been beyond all calculation augmented indeed, it must have been ob vious, that, if the wishes of Russia had been accomplished; if the secret convention between Russia and France had been fulfilled, Austria must have soon become a mere cypher in Europe. With such conviction in their minds, the statesmen of the court of Vienna had no choice; and, accordingly we find them acting in perfect unison with the views of France. Mortifying reflection! that while our enemy keeps us in a constant. state of alarm and terror, he has quite sufficient leisure to play off the powers of the. Continent against one another! It may now, perhaps, be recollected, that, during that. memorable scene, called the settling of the German Indemnities, some of our legislators. and statesmen, and all our merchants and manufacturers, with here and there a very honourable exception, were ready and even ostentatiously forward to express their indif ference at it. "Let them alone!" was the cry. "Let them settle their own disputes; "and let us keep ourselves to ourselves." The public must remember that this senti-.. ment was echoed at a city feast. Yes, Sir Balaam! but they will not let you alone! They will not let you keep yourselves to yourselves! They say you have more good things than you have a right to; and they vow they will have a share, though you cry your eyes out. It is no use to swear the peace against them the Vice Society cannot put them down: they will have a dispute with you, and you must, by some means or other, get at them and beat them, or they will take all your treasures and your life into the bargain. But, will Austria really oppose the allies of Great Britain? She must, or be herself undone; and, it is that very short-sighted selfishness, which was so toasted and boasted at the city feast, which has greatly contributed to reduce her to the dire alternative. Nothing would be easier than to trace this consequence back to its efficient cause, and to show, that the evil is, in a great degree to be attributed to the want of wisdom in the British cabinet; but this has already been done in the series of letters, from one of which the motto to the present sheet is taken, and the whole of which, were it not too much to ask, I could now wish the public at this time to peruse. In those letters, it was not only predicted, that Austria would be completely alienated from

are, however, in possession of enough to enable us to form a judgment as to the main objects of the contending parties, always regarding Sweden as having no object separate from those of Russia.--This latter power, it is very evident, has, during the last twenty years, been earnestly endea vouring to obtain an extensive and permanent footing in the south of Europe, towards the accomplishment of which object she was, as she thought, pushing with hasty and fortunate strides in the mediation relative to the German indemnities; though it was at that time suggested in this work, that Buonaparté would finally eject her, after having made use of her name and influence to accomplish his views and to give a sanction to his proceedings. But this artful politician (or rather those artful politic ans by whom he has the sense to be guided) fished with a double hook; for we now find, that there was a secret convention entered into between Russia and France on the 11th of October, 1801, according to which, Buonaparté was to evacuate the Neapolitan dominions, and was to respect the neutrality of that kingdom in future wars; he was, in concert with Russia, to establish some principle for finally adjusting the affairs of Italy; he was to indemnify the King of Sardinia in a manner satisfactory to Russia! Here, then, Russia appears as the great and exclusive protectoress of Italy. She actually became, in conjunction with Buonaparte, a dictator, absolutely a distri buter of power and dominion through the whole empire of Germany, not excepting the territories of the Imperial House itself. Of what kind the feelings of Austria must have been upon that occasion, it is by no means difficult to imagine. Indeed, con. sidering the necessary effect of this interference of Russia, her direct instrumentality in humbling the House of Austria, what had Talleyrand now to do but to open his portfolio, and to show the Austrian minister the secret convention, in virtue of which Russia, after having been a dictator in Germany, was to become the sole guardian of Italy, thereby reducing Austria to a stále of intolerable insignificance?--The recent and present conduct of this latter power, as far, at least, as we can judge from outward appearances, is exactly what one would have expected as the natural consequence of such a discovery, Her danger from the revolutionary principles of France no longer exists; her danger from the arms of France has been lessened by her having lost those parts of her territory, which was, in all wars, so much exposed to those arms, and her danger botliloxing pages, 271, 361, 393, 449, 493, 532, 594, from the influence and the arms of Russia 646,

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They are to be found in Vol. II. at the fo'.

Great Britain, who would be left without efficient allies in all future wars; but, the reasons why this should happen were clearly stated. There was little merit in so doing; for it must have been evident to every one at all acquainted with the system of Europe, that, in future, France would have no quarrel with either of the Imperial Courts without being favoured by the neutrality or the active assistance of the other.That such will be the case now we have no positive official declaration to prove; but, we have what is nearly equivalent to such a declaration. Russia quarrels with Buonaparté; the House of Austria acknowledges his title as Emperor of France, and makes an addition to its own hereditary title at the same time. Russia declines acknowledging that addition, in which, it is said, her example is followed by the cabinet of Great Britain: while the King of Sweden, as Duke of Anterior Pomerania goes farther, and, in a note presented to the Diet of Ratisbon, on the 26th of August last, calls in question the right of the Head of the House of Austria to assume the hereditary title of Emperor.* These circumstances sufficiently indicate the unfriendly, not to say hostile, disposition of the parties; and there can be little doubt, that the disposition of Austria is, to join France in arms, if necessary, to prevent Russia from obtaining a footing in the south of Europe; in any part of the south of Europe, from the Bosphorus to the Alps. Russia, by stretching at too much, has lost all to the south, upon the Continent, and cannot, while at yariance with France, hope for any gratification of her ambition except amongst the Mediterranean islands, where, if she be gratified at all, it must be at the expense of England!Of the aukwardness of her po. sition Russia herself seems to be aware; for, the close of D'Oubril's last note seems to indicate an intention on the part of his court to follow the example of his Swedish Majesty; to suspend all diplomatic intercourse, to lay down the pen, but to leave France to determine when the sword shall be taken up, or, as it would seem, whether it shall be taken up at all; and, as Buonaparté will scarcely be so mad as to insist upou such quiet people becoming his enemies, it is more than probable, that the weapon of death will remain unsheathed, unless some of our news-paper writers should draw it out in spite of the wearers. "Still faithful "to his engagements," says D'Qubril," and "anxious to avoid the shedding of human blood, the Emperor will confine himself

See the note. Register, Vol. VI. p. 428.

"to that resolution which the respective po"sition of the two countries admits. Russia "and France can do without those relations, "the continuance of which is only to be "warranted by reasons of advantage and "accommodation, and without which it is "better that they should have no connexion. "As it is the French government alone " which has given rise to the present state "of affairs, it will also depend upon it to "decide whether war is to follow or not. In

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case it shall compel Russia, either by fresh "injuries, or by provocations aimed against "her, or against her allies, or by stil threat"ening more seriously the security and in"dependence of Europe, his Majesty will "then manifest as much energy in employ"ing those extreme measures, which a just "defence requires, as he has given proofs of

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patience, in resorting to the use of all the means of moderation consistent with the "maintenance of the honour and dignity of "his crown."--And this is the alliance that was to save us! The words here put in Italic characters were so distinguished in the translation of this note published in the ministerial papers; and, the intention was to give a broad hint to the superficial reader, that, Russia is resolved on war if France does fresh injuries to the allies of Russia, and that, as we are the allies of Russia, she will go to war, if France does us fresh injuries! Nay, this condition ex tends, I perceive, to provocations; and, therefore, if such be the meaning and intention of Russia, she will either go to war, or Napoleon must break up his threatening flotilla! What an intolerable absurdity! Why, if Buonaparte were to read this Morning Post newspaper, he would cer tainly think that he had scared us all out of our senses. This bloodless declaration of Russia comes, too, observe, after a positive demand that the French shall evacuate Ha nover immediately. But, the truth is, that, situated as Russia now is, without any foot ing on the Southern part of the continent of Europe, and kept back by the arms or the neutrality of Prussia and Austria, she cannot give to France any thing worthy even of the name of annoyance. From the moment an alliance with Russia was talked of, it was foreseen, that such would be the consequence, unless all parties were ac tuated by motives self-evidently disinterested: and, it was not only foreseen but repeatedly foretold, as the readers of the Register must remember. If, therefore, the public have been deceived; if, after being cheered and exilarated with the prospect of seeing the Russian standard waving over

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