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time been interchanged between that continent and our islands, can, for a moment believe, that, if reduced to the necessity of resorting to the aid of North America, EngJand could any longer hold her West India colonies in the bonds of allegiance? Thus, by grasping at all, we should lose that which we have.To enter into a minute exami nation of this writer's notions relative to the commercial gain held forth by him, as a consequence of the project, would be to throw away one's time. A nation's laying out of capital upon colonies in order therefrom to derive immense profit is an idea well worthy of those ministers, who called a committee of merchants into the cabinet with a view of obtaining, by a side wind, their approbation of a measure of the wisdom of which it was feared the nation would doubt. Spain certainly is a country, which, at present, cannot exist without foreign succour. Her Ame. rican colonies have banished industry from her soil, and have reduced her to the last stage of baseness and debility; but, are we thence to conclude, that we should derive new vigour from becoming mistress of those very possessions? Such a conclusion should certainly be preceded by something like proof. She is indebted to her neighbours

goose with the golden eggs; but, even in that we should not succeed; for, we should kill the goose, without getting at her eggs, which, as was before observed, would, in all human probability, fall into the hands.of those, whose existence would depend upon their success in driving Great Britain from every West India island. North America is now kept separate from South America only by the means of Spain; destroy the power of Spain in that part of the world, and the two continents instantly rush together, under the protection of France. Our islands are now fed by North America: it is evident they seriously aim at a still closer connexion with her: what, then, must be the consequence of making such an addition to her means of warfare? What must be the consequence of removing from those islands every motive for desiring the coptinuance of a connexion with Great Britain ---It would be easy to show, that the conquest of the Spanish colonies would not at all add to the maritime force of Great Britain, because its tendency would not be to increase her navigation; but, suppose the contrary; this is a sort of force to which we want no addition. We are here quite strong enough. Naval victory and domi for the principal commodities of life, and nion have been carried as far as it is of any "to her American colonies for the means by use to this country. We have seen that it 4-which she may supply her owa and their is incapable of giving us security by land, "wants." Granted, as far as money is and even of retaining the naval honours won meant by the word wants. But then comes by our forefathers, and, till the last peace, the question of the parable: "subo is her preserved by their sons. It is upon the land "neighbour?" France as to vicinity; but, that we are now called on to fight for our Lord Harrowby, the reputed author of these existence, and therefore Lord Harrowby brilliant conceptions, ought surely to know, holds out to us the chearing prospect of that with the produce of the American mines, being able to "sail from one end to the Spain supplies Great Britain, even at this other of the world without molestation!” time, in much greater quantities than she supOn Spain what would be the effect of plies France; nay, in much greater quan tities than it is possible for her government to supply the government of France, until a total change has been effected in the commercial relations of Europe. What, then, should we, in a commercial point of view, gain by the conquest of her colonies? To go forth upon a project of conquering customers for our goods is quite unnecessary here; for, those whom we propose to conquer are our customers already; and, were we to succeed in the conquest, it is more than probable that they would soon cease to be so. Indeed, to sever the mines from the dominion of Spain seems to be the only possible way to cut off the channel, through which so large a share of their productions reach this country. So that, were we to conquer Spanish America, we should be endeavouring to realize the fable of the

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the proposed conquest, supposing it to take place? As a customer of Great Britain, indeed, it would "render her completely in"efficient." But, if her American colonies have been the sole cause of her political and warlike degradation, is it likely that, she would be sunk still lower by the removal of that cause? She would have no more dollars to lend to France. True; but does Lord Harrowby really think, that she would, ther fore, become a burden to France, and an o! ject of greater contempt than she is at present? Does he believe, that the fields of Spain, having lain fallow in consequence of her possessing the American mines, would still lie fallow when she had no longer those mines wherewith to supply, and poorly 10 supply, the want of industry? Amongst the effects of taking from Spain the mines of America, might very likely be a subversion

1

of the monarchy; but, the arms of the Spa niards would not be enfeebled; all the naCoral resources of Spain would, on the contrary, be drawn forth; and, for awhile, at least, they must be under the direction of France, even more completely than they are at present.Thus far the project has not been viewed in connexion with our situation at home and in Europe; but, surely, it will not be pretended, that we are now in a situa tion similar to that in which this nation was at the time when Lord Chatham gave that counsel, now held forth as worthy the adop tion of his son? It will hardly be asserted even by Lord Harrowby, that England is now as free from embarrassment in her domestic concerns, and as free from danger from the arms of France, as she was in 1762? Lord Chatham was not a financier; he had not governed according to the advice of speculating merchants and gamblers in the funds. In his time there was no incometax, no bank restriction, no sixpenny bank notes in any part of the kingdom. The union with Ireland, which his son has told us adds more to our strength than all the conquests of France adds to hers, had not, indeed, been accomplished, nor even proposed; but, then, the people of Ireland were not under martial-law. In the time of Lord Chatham, there was no thought of inunda ting either Essex or Kent; no bill had been passed for driving away the cattle or burning the ricks and barns, in case of emergency; no line of circumvallation had been traced round the metropolis; there were no colonels and corps of volunteers, no subscriptions for aiding the government with either carTiages or horses. Lord Chatham had the better half of the Continent on his side, and regarded England as perfectly secure from all assaults of the enemy, or Lord Chatham would have merited Bedlam for proposing to -rush head long into a Spanish war, especially if he had already failed in all his schemes for raising an army, on which reliance for home. defence could be placed.This ministerial writer says, and no one denies it, that the conquering or settling of colonies do not injure a country by draining her of her population. But, by population is meant, persons of both sexes, of all the different ages, and the several ranks in life; and, these persons

| pared to those drained off by military and naval expeditions? Are they to be compered to the Bower of the country? To a body of men collected with infinite pains from every part of the kingdom; men whose health and strength have been verified by a scrupulous. individual examination, and who, independent of their value as labourers and artisans, have cost the state not less than fifty pounds a man? These are not the surplus population, they are not the hair and nails and fat of a state; they are its sinews and its heart. And, if, at all times, this description of persons are of great national value, and ought not to be sacrificed, even in small numbers, without mature consideration, and for any thing short of an object clearly connected with the glory and the security of the state, is this the moment when we ought to sacrifice, or, at least, to hazard them, in great numbers, merely for the purpose of making an addition to our " capital, credit, and "commerce?" Lord Harrowby seems to think, that the taking of the Spanish settlements will be a mere holiday enterprise; and he has selected the Havannah and Porto-Rico as the two first objects to grasp, not recollecting perhaps, that both of them were at. tacked by our forces during the last war and, it is well known that neither was taken. Why are not Martinico and Guadaloupe taken? And, if it be said, that those are French possessions, then I ask Lord Harrowby, if he really believes, that there are no Frenchmen, particularly French officers, at Porto-Rico, the Havannah, Porto-Bello, and Cartbagena?--If an enterprise against the Spanish colonies could be expected to cause a diversion of the European force of France, and thereby, or in any other way, contribute to the security of England, in a greater degree than it must necessarily weaken her defence by the withdrawing of her troops; then, indeed, there would be some ground whereon to stand in defence of the project. But, that the conquest of colonies can now contribute to the safety of the mother country in no other way than by adding to her pecuniary resources is evident; and, in the case of the Spanish colonies, it would not, as has been already shown, contribute even in this way. At any rate, no such contribution could possibly take place soon, while

are drained off by colonies only just as fast-the expense of the expedition must be im

as they can be spared, or, in other words, only when they can no longer be maintained at home with comfort to themselves and adVantage to their country, where their remaining would, of course, only prevent an increase, by new births, equal to themselves in number. Are these persons to be com

mediate, and while every soldier that we have is wanted at home. With respect, however, to the value of colonies, as afford ing security to the mother country, we are so fortunate as to have upon record the opinions of Lord Hawkesbury, Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Pitt; opinions gravely delivered before

the members of the House of Commons, during the debate upon the treaty of peace with France. Lord Harrowby, if I am not mistaken as to the identity of that noble persón, did not publicly speak upon the peace; but, it will not, I trust, be deemed unfair, if I presume, that his sentiments upon this, as well as upon all other subjects, were expressed by the above named three great statesmen, his present colleagues. By those who dis approved of the peace, it was contended, that we ought, in order to give the peace a chance of permanency, to have retained all, or nearly all, our conquests, particolarly the Cape of Good Hope, the advanced post of India; Martinico, the Gibraltar of the West India seas; and Malta, the out-post of Egypt. It was also contended, that the value, in a pecuniary light, of the conquered West India colonies was very considerable; and, that, the conquest being made, these colonies ought to have been retained with a view of the better enabling the mother country to support a peace establishment so great as that which it was evident she must support if France was left in possession of Flanders, Holland, and Italy, particularly the two former, What did our statesmen, those who are now about to attack the Spanish colonies; what did they say in answer to this? They asserted, that the retaining of these colonies, amongst which, be it remembered, were Martinico, the Cape, and Malta; that very Malta, for which alone, in the eyes of the world, we are now at war! Yes, they asserted, that the retaining of these colonies, would have been of little or no use, in any way whatever, but particularly as contribu ting to our security. It is positively stated, that Lord Harrowby is the author of the essay upon which I am commenting; if he be, he will now be convinced, that very great caution is necessary in defending any measure of a minister of "ex"isting circumstances," especially if he be one much in the practice of making speeches, and, moreover, if those speeches are printed. If his lordship had looked back to the debates upon the peace, he never would have represented a disapprobation of colonial conquests as being entertained only by party writers."-Lord Hawkesbury, the ostensible maker of the peace, said: "I now come to the question of ac

quisition, as it should be fairly taken with respect to the power and resources "of a country. And here let me observe, that the spirit of acquisition may be strained beyond its proper limits. I con"tend that an increase of power does not "take place in proportion to an increase of

"acquisitions; and I need not enter into "any detail to shew, that this principle, "applying to the continent, is equally true "with respect to the acquisition of colonial "power."* Lord Castlereagh not only thought, or, at least, said, that the surren dering, and not the acquiring, of colonies was the way to provide for our security, as. far as it could be provided for by restoring. our influence on the continent of Europe: "If I were called upon to say, what would "have the greatest effect in restoring our influence on the continent, I should say: give back to France her colonial possessions!" Mr. Pitt's opinion has already been quoted as a motto to the present sheet and, when the reader has referred to it, considering at the same time, that it was. advanced in justification of having surren dered, without any equivalent, and merely to obtain peace, all the colonies (except Ceylon and Trinidad) which we had conquered in a long war, and at the expense, probably, of nearly a hundred thousand men and a hundred millions of taxes; when the reader has referred to Mr. Pitt's opinion, and considered it in connexion with the occasion and the motive, then let him say, whether this minister, who is now begin ning a Spanish colonial war, as his advocates assert, for profit, be under the guidance of any thing worthy of the name of principle.It is possible, that there are hostile armaments going on in the ports of Spain; real ones, I mean, and not such armaments as those which were going on in the ports of France at the beginning of this war, and which had no existence except in the speeches and manifestoes of our ministers; it is possible, that Spain has been driven to make preparations which, in truth, may be big with danger to this country; and, if so, war most assuredly ought to be commenced against her, and that too with very little ceremony; because, the more completely she is under the power of France, the greater reason have we to be vigilant with respect to her operations. In short, when the proofs of her hostile intentions come to be submitted to the world, it may clearly appear, that to declare war against Spain was, on our part, politic as, well as just; but, the sort of war to be carried on against her is another question; and, for the reasons above stated, I am convinced, that a war against her colonies,

* Speech of 3d Nov. 1801. Vide Register, Vol, II. p. 1122.

+ Speech of 14th May, 1802. Vide Register, Vol. 1. 1333.

in any part of the world, with some one or
two little exceptions, perhap, would be a
war tending only to hasten the downfall of
the British monarchy. Need I point out
the miserable subterfuge which this writer
has had recourse to in order to reconcile
Mr. Pitt's opinions and conduct at the peace
with his present colonial war, project?"-
"During the last war," says he,

we un

dertook the conquest of colonies merely to cripple the resources of France, and "not to secure any permanent advantage "to ourselves." And why? Because we had allies in that war. Now mark this. The very reason upon which the peace and the surrender of our conquests were justi fied was, that, "we were left alone in the war!" And, indeed, we were left alone in the war. We had not one co-operating ally at the close of it; and yet we are now told, that, the not having of allies is the reason why we should make colonial conquests. "But, in the present war," says this reput ed noble statesman, "when we are con"tending single-handed against the colossal 66 power of France, the means which we "have of annoyance are beyond all calcu

lation." What does this mean? That we are stronger without allies upon the continent; and that, having no motive to restrain us, we may now give the full swing to our maritime power, indulge even to satiety our love of commerce and of wealth? Alas! this indulgence, though it were to produce no mischiefs to ourselves, could not injure France; could not give her any annoyance. But, this is a mere dream; or, like the catamaran project, it is the creature of the bottle.--It really seems but too probable, however, that a war with from no betSpain has been resolved upon ter motive. Something was wanted to give the appearance of vigour to the councils of the catamaran ministry: something to make quelque chose pour shew and a talk : La blouir," as the French charlatan said, when, by mistake, he threw fire instead of Jight into the eyes of his company: something to please the sailors and to keep up "the spirits of the people:" something, in short, to buoy up the sinking names of Pitt and Dundas. For a short space this sort of success will be obtained. In a money-loving nation a war of dollars will always be popular at its out-set, more especially at a time when specie has disappeared. The

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former part of these remarks were written
At Winchester
on my way to London.
there were two farmers standing in the
inn yard, one saying to the other: "I
"wish thur wud coom a good Zpanish
we shud zee zum goolde then
in pliayace of this yur d-d pihapar-
"mooney." Almost the first words I heard
in London were from the lips of a shop.
"Sammy,"
keeper in Cockspur-street.

14 war ;

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said he to his pale sharp-looking neighbour, "have you heard the news? Three Spanish "frigates taken and one blown up!" !... "The deuce!" says Sammy, any money "on board?" "Full," replied the other. "That's right," rejoined Sammy, rubbing his white hands, we shall now have some guineas again."Sammy's idea was exactly the same as that of the farmer at Win

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chester.

"Proud swells the tide with loads of freighted ore,
"And shouting folly hails them to her shore!".
How sadly poor Sammy and my Hampshire
farmer will be disappointed it can hardly be
necessary to describe. They think, that the
money on board the ships thus captured will
all be brought on shore, and flow at once
into circulation. Not a single ounce of it
the
ever will, unless the bank-notes,
ev
d-d pihapar-mooney," as the farmer called
it, be first destroyed. Sammy thinks, I dare
say, that each of the sailors concerned in the
capture, will, in a few days time, come on
shore with his jacket and trowser pockets
and hat full of money. Whereas, whatever

share falls to him he will receive in little
dirty bits of paper, probably from some
The gold and silver, not-
country bank.
withstanding any waggon-farce that may be
exhibited between Portsmouth and London,
will all go to countries where there is little or
no paper-money. Evident and inevitable as
this operation is, however, I should not, af-
ter what I have seen, be much surprised to
find, that Mr. Pitt himself entertains a hope
of restoring his paper-money by means of
the Spanish mines! I speak with perfect sin
cerity; for, childish as this notion would
be, why should it not exist in that mind
whence so many shallow opinions and pro-
jects have proceeded?--Want of room
compels me to defer those remarks, which I
could wish to make without delay, on the
manner in which the war with Spain has
been commenced.

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre Pall-Mall.

VOL. VI. No. 17.]

6091

LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1804.

Teach him, that states of native strength possess'd,
Though very poor, may still be very bless'd;
That TRADE's proud empire bastes to swift decay,
As ocean sweeps the labour'd mole away;
While self dependent pow'r can time defy,
As rocks resist the billows and the sky.

LETTER III.

TO THE RT. HON. WILLIAM PITT, ON THE CAUSES OF THE DECLINE OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

MARKS OF NATIONAL DECLINE. SIR, Before I proceed to trace back to its causes the decline of Great Britain, it will very reasonably and naturally be required of me, to shew that the effect itself is not a mere creature of imagination; to point out what it is that I regard as the marks of that decline, of which my proposition necessarily supposes the existence. And, here, Sir, I am not unaware of the hostile feeling that I have to encounter. Men are naturally averse from every thing which tends to the establishing of disagreeable truths. No bearer of sad tidings was ever yet greeted with a welcome; every one turns from the assurance of his dangers with an anxiety proportioned to their magnitude; it is the universal desire that the evil hour should be the last. But, as the bankrup by shanning his books only hardens the grasp of the bailiff; as the patient who rejects the probe defers nothing but the possible alleviation of his agony; so the people, who shot their ears against the proots of their national decline, thereby hasten the downfal which they dread, and which from this cause more than from any other they finally experience.

To enumerate all the marks of our decline would require a volume of no moderate bulk. It will be sufficient to point out a few of those which apply more immediately to the present situation of the country; and the first of which is, the Predominance of Wealth. I am not complaining that people love money; that they prefer it to every other thing; that virtue and talents and even beauty are nothing when weighed against it: this complaint has always existed, and always will exist, as long as there are poor and rich people in the world. I am not speaking of individual riches as they affect the relations between man and man, but as they are now connected with what is called the wealth of the country; as they affect the public mind,

GOLDSMITH.

[PRICE 10D.

[610

and as they influence the national counsels. In a well-constituted and healthy community, or state, individual riches are always held in subordination to higher endowments, and the public wealth is rendered subservient to the liberties and glory of the nation; whereas in states that are hastening towards their fall every other endowment yields to the possession of riches, and the nation's li-: berty and glory only serve as sacrifices to the preservation of its wealth.--To talk of the decline of a nation which is daily augment; ing its exports and imports, its manufactures in every branch, its turnpike roads and canals, and the metropolis of which annually receives an addition equal in extent and po pulation to a considerable city, while the people even to the lowest rank are clad and fed better than at any former period; to talk of the decline of such a nation will, to those who do not reflect, appear utterly incomprehensible. But, whoever has duly, considered what it is that constitutes the greatness of a nation, what it is that raises her high in the world, what it is that secures her independence, will not derive much consolation from the custom-house books, or from any other of the usually enumerated signs of public prosperity; and, though his philanthropy may be gratified at seeing the poor eat whiter bread than formerly, his patriotism will certainly be mortified at the reflection that, in numbers three times greater than formerly, they eat it at the hands of the parish.In estimating the prosperity of nations, we erroneously proceed upon the pinciples and maxims according to which we estimate the prosperity of individuals. We can form no idea of national decline which does not resemble that of a man's decline in business; and, thus, always involved in our trading notions, it appears to be a perfect absurdity to consider the decline of a nation as pointed out by the predominance of its wealth. Hence all the delusive hopes which were entertained, and held forth to the people, during the last war with France, that the cuciny must soon be subdited, because he was ruined in his finances. Year after year, Sir, proceeding upon the mazin

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