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necessity required, he would have collected these companies under the command of the senior captain with the rank of major-commandaist, and would have left it to the general to appoint a field officer from the regulars to command each regiment when marched against the enemy. “It would,” says he, “ be lameited that corps were ever regi“ mented, if the high rank which has been “granted to unprofessional men was the “ only bad consequence: so many self-evident evils are connected with this mistaken indulgence to gratify false pride, that men unacquainted with the secret springs “ of government must be astonished at the

** motives which influenced their consent; re.

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the constitution to their discretion ?. But let us not believe that gentlemen would insist upon high military rank to gratify a vanity which cannot give them any additional real distinction; that they ever required, as the sine qua non of their services, the admission of this dangerous and indecent encroachment upon the military profession.—It is singular, that in the arrangement of the volunteer force those precautions were so avowedly neglected, which, from practical experience, were found essentially necessary for the regulation of all armies; that for a remote warfare measures of precaution should be ta

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portance are deemed insignificant.— Six years must an officer serve in the British army before he can obtain the rank of a field officer, before he is esteemed as “ qualified (notwithstanding all that time * he may have been on actual service) to “ undertake the responsibility of the command which attaches to his situation; but

“ the volunteer at once assumes the rank of "full colonel, by virtue of which high sta

“tion he commands nearly every regiment : “ in the king's service; and if invasion ab“ solutely should take place, may find him

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but actual warfare being the most serious

great willingness and propriety commit.

ken, which in one of so much more im

“self in the command of an army. It is no counter- argument that his discretion. would induce him to consult officers of intelligence. He has a power, which ought to be delegated to no-nan, unto whom such a charge could not, onsistent .. “with the rules of the service, be ommitoted. That there may be heaven-orn ge. nerals among the volunteer officer is possible. In the French revolutiot there were many proofs that there may b great officers without a regular initiatio into the army, but such incidents do not stify “so wide a deviation from establishedrae. tice, nor have the officers proved temselves so unworthy of fulfilling theirwi. duties. When once high rank was:ven, every nobleman and gentlemato equal station in society, required the sao concession, and thus jealousy became “true lever of the mischief which puts a thority and responsibility where ther is no possible experience, and pre “ vents the militia and the volunteer * from being commanded by the gentlemei “ of the country.”——Sir Robert observes that it is extraordinary that a clause in the last bill for regulating the volunteers posi. tively directed, that no officer of the arm under the rank of a general officer should, in any case, command them. That the bill did and does so provide is certain enough, but by no means extraordinary, as any one must allow, who has been an observer of the constant aim of the ministry, past and present, to flatter and wheedle the volunteers and militia-officers, and thereby gain them as political partisans. To contemplate the ..". of a volunteer officer, some London broker or barber, perhaps; falling into the command of the wing of an army, on which the fate of the -kingdom might depend, and that, too, in a moment of great emergency, in a moment, possibly, when victory and defeat might be nearly balanced, is something so terrible, that one can hardly refrain from the se. verest reproaches against those, who have exposed the country to such a risk, especially when one thinks of the motives, from which alone they appear to have acted.If this system is to be persevered in, seven for a few months longer, the author of this inquiry suggests the necessity of some immediate alterations as to cloathing, from which he would abolish all the expensive foppery at present in vogue, all the red,

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all that tends to make the men look like what they are not. He would reduce them

to sober grey, put a round hat upon their

heads, give them a pair of ovetails, and a

reat coat. He says, and with great truth, that they should have no camp equipage; that it can be of no service, alld may be highly derimental. “Each volunteer com:

“pany is now allowed a cart to carry bag.

“gage. What a Persian array will be “ theirine of march ! What a fatal indus“ gene may this not prove " This must have leen in the press at the very moment that ur friend Sir Brook was haranguing his cach-masters, and that Lord Hawkesbur was holding his meetings at the Thached-house ! If Sir Robert calls the volateering baggage-carts a Persian array, 'w ht would he have said of the car-project? I served to Sir Brook, that the baggage oan army was a most troublesome and injious appendage; and, it requires not litary experience or military study to rove, that the nearer you can come to the joint of rendering the soldier self-dependent for all the purposes of moving and of halting, the nearer your army comes to persection, and the more powerful it must be in proportion to its numbers. After describing, several months ago, the dress that I would have given to the volunteers, I added: “thus equipped a man may pass “an English winter without fire, and al“most without a house.” It would have been Sir Robert Wilson's aim to render the volunteers as little burthensome as possible; as little expensive to themselves and to the public treasure ; as little noisy and annoying; instead of which, there really seems to have been some pains taken, and some ingenuity euployed, to effect purposes exactly contiary “The yeo“ manry,” says he, “are susceptible of the same improvements. Great advan“tage would result to that service if the “ corps were, at least, broken into squa. .* drons. At the present moment there is “ the greatest difficulty in procuring proper “efficers; and to complete the required “ number for the formation of a regiment, all descriptions of persons are admitted, without any consideration of the principle of the establishment. The yeomanry “should be men of property associated to. gether for the purpose of preserving in. ternal tranquillity, and performing those irregular duties in case of actual service, which would enable the regular cavalry to direct their whole attention to offen“sive operations against the enemy. “When parliament decreed that the yeo“manry should be exempted from the pe. “nalties of martial law, it presumed, that “ the yeomanry were men composed of “ the most respectable class of the nation,

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“forage for the horses when on duty.”

“But if parliament had known that the “great proportion of many corps were the “servants and lowest labourers of farmers, “ without a shilling of fixed property, or “any horse, but that which occasionally “was lent to obtain the exemption from “ the horse tax, I must doubt whether the “ indulgence would have been extended “ so far; and I am confident that it ought “ not to have been, consistent with the “ rights of the volunteers. The yeothanry “system, as at present conducted, costs

#. nation an enormous, sum of money, “ and will still more, for the officers now “ require pay; whereas, if only the real “yeomanry of the land had been admitted, “ no other demand would have been made “ upon the nation, collectively, than some “ allowance for horse appointments and

With the alterations which he proposes, he thinks the yeomanry may be made very useful ; but these alterations, which necessarily suppose a reduction of numbers, a breaking down, the corps into smaller bodies, and a submission to the command

of field officers of the regular arthy, must

take place before, even the yeomanry can be regarded as adding much to our national security against the consequences of an invasion—This part of his performance conchides with the following remark and most apt reference to the battle which decided the fate of that famous people, whom the French have chosen for our prototype. “The yeomanry force will be highly use“sul, if conducted ably: they must, at “ ail events render some service to the “ country, and this body would not, if “ properly formed, be *; detriment to “ more general service: but, as to the “ volunteers, the battle of Zama should “be a warning to England. Hannibal “ drew . his army in three lines; in front “were placed the mercenaries, in the se“ cond the volunteers and national levies, “ in the third the veterans and troops on “whom he could depend. The mercena“ries fought bravely, but, being pressed “by numbers required support from the “ second line: but the second line began “ to run away, which so exasperated the “ mercenaries, that they ceased to fight “with the Romans, and turned their arms “ upon the fugitive volunteers, slaughter“ing a great many. The gallant exertions “ and talents of Hannibal, aided by the “intrepid courage of the veteran army, “could not repair this misfortune; and “Rome thus fulfilled the insulting menace.

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“, which she had for so many years vaunted,

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that is to say, for the regular army.

“Has, England not her mercenaries (Ha* noverians), her volunteers and militia, “and her small-corps d'élite, the regular “, army—the resemblance is painfully ac“curate l"—The remaining three heads

of inquiry... cannot, now be analysed ; the

mention of some detached and important facts must not, however, be delayed. Sir Robert states, that, with all the efforts of government and of individuals, not above 17,000 men, have been raised for general service, He states, that the military-project bill will not produce, in a year, more than 13,000 men, and in this no one will deny that he has been sufficiently liberal in his allowance, for the bill has produced no men worth speaking of yet. He says that the men raised by the military-project bill, supposing the number to be 13,000 in a year, will not repair the common wear and tear of the army in Europe without a continental war. If the men be thus raised by driblets, England, he observes, can never have a disposable force, for the supply is not equal to the present expenditure. Finally, he says that 30,000 men are wanted to complete the present establishment; that is to say, to fill up the regular regiments already in existence: so

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would not, with the consciousness that 500,000 ‘volunteers are enrolled in Great Britain, hesitate one motnent to land their army, if the safe passage of the Channel could be secured. “If,” says he, “they “should land, however, it is to be hoped ‘...that Marshall Turenne's proverb, that • ‘the bon Dieu generally takes the side of “ the most numerous battalions,' will prove “ true; for a miracic most, indeed, be worked, if any early success can otherwise * prevent a considerable French force from “ penetrating very far towards the capital, if “... that point be their object."—The observations under the heads, militia, army of reserve, and regulars, are all of great importance, though not of importance so inmediate as those which relate to the voluateers. An analysis of them shall be submitted to the reader in the succeeding sheet, or sheets, of the Register, as a sequel to the present article, which I shall now proceed to close with a remark or two on that part of the work, which relates to military distinctions, and which l regard as being of the utmost consequence. “Military distinc“tions," says he, “is a subject more conge“mial to the military character than an inves“ tigation of pay, although in the British “ service these honourable feelings have not “ been much encouraged, nor has this cheap “ defence of nations been sufficiently esti“ mated. Much has been done to destroy “ this generous ardour, to direct the atten“ tion of the soldier to more substantial but “ not equally satisfactory remunerations. “ Distinctions, which were considered as “ such, because they were the appendages “ of meritorious services, have ceased to re“tain their value since they no longer testi“fy as the positive evidence of any merit. “There are now so many Royal uniforms in “ the different corps of our heterogenous “ army, that to see a regiment without the “blue-facing is a matter of surprise. The “ Parliament of England has even been in“ duced to bestow the thanks of the nation “ for anticipated service, where such an ap“ probation should only follow, the most di“tinguished good conduct. The army has “ hitherto been disposed to regard the “ thanks of the British Senate as a cons-“crated eulogy—as the most greifying and “ highest reward which could be conferred. “But the sanctity of the act has been vio. “ lated, and the charn, much weakedod, if “ not altogether dissolved."—It will be: re. rol ected, that, when the “Royal Pimlico 'Wolunteers" were formed, under the conir, and of that gallant captain, my Lord'Hobart, having Lords Hawkesbury and Castle

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reagh in the ranks as privates, that I put in my protest against this prodigal distribution of the honour of Royal Regiments, I explained the nature of the distinction, ard showed, how injurious the bestowing of it upon corps that have never seen service, and, of course, can have acquired no claim to it, must be. But, what I have said is of small weight: how often, how ably, and how eloquently, has Mr. Windham pointed out the evils of thus destroying the value of all military distinctions and of degrading the military profession! Sir Robert Wilson does, indeed, make honourable mention of the obligations which the country owes to Mr. Windham for his exertions as to the means of our defence; and, certain I am, that, if it be not the fate of this kingdom to be subdued by France, it can be preserved only by the system which Mr. Windham would have adopted, and would still adopt. Had Mr. Windham been, for the last two years, in a situation to direct in the formation of the army, I have not the least doubt, that we should, at this time, have had 40,000 men to spare for any foreign enterprize that might have offered, while our home defence would have been such that we might indeed have “ laid down our heads to rest." How different would our situation have been from what it now is We might, then, have, in reality, “ out-threatened the threatener." Forty thousand men, ready to embark from England at a day's notice, would have prevented Napoleon from becoming an Emperor. But, we are now in the hands of stock-jobbers, and quibbling lawyers. Mr. Pitt's triumph over his political opponents, and not. England's triumph over her enemies; Mr. Pitt's place at the Treasury and in the cabinet, and not England's place in the world, appears to be the primary object of all the measures of government, and of all the sacrifices which we are called upon

to make.—To return to the subject of mi- |

litary distinction : , there is one way, in which the , lavishing of military honours, rank, and clothing degrades the profession of a soldier, which no one that I know of has yet dwelt upon: I allude to the wearing of cockades by meniat servants. The cockade is the ancient, the standing, the invariable symbol of the military profession; aad, it appears to me, that the fashion of giving cockades to the menials of officers of the army, must have been introduced by persons who did not entertain too high a veneration for the name of soldier. What other pro

fession is thuslavish of itsemblems of dis-

tinction? The Law, the Priesthood, the

Magistracy * Not you find none of the me

nials of persons in these professions wearing the same marks of distinction as their masters, nor any part of those marks. The uniform coat, &c., is of much less importance than the cockade, which is the peculiar mark of the profession of arms. But, if the lavishing of this mark of distinction upon the menials of officers of the army be injurious to the profession, what must be

the effect of extending the abuse to the vil

lunteer system, which includes aboutseventy oreightythoasand officers; not a hair-dre.” of whom, who is able to keep a Scrub, but wiłł deck him off in a cockade 2 The effect is, indeed, visible: go where you will, you. sight is offended by these party-coloured gentry in cockades; you see them swarming st the corners of streets and about Innyards; there is hardly a hat to be seen behind a carriage without a cockade in it. Ahd this frequency of the military array is what the Cockneys think will make us “a mo “ tary people " It has, as Mr. Windham has so ingeniously and yet so clearly show; a directly contrary tendency; and, it would be by no means difficult to prove, that to to the want of a military spirit; that it ** the reluctance to become a military people,

that it is to the propensity to trade and * :

concomitant indulgences prevailing "“ every other feeling that we owe the voluhteer system.–In considering the sympton of the lavishing of rank and distinction of Robert Wilson appears, leath to dra." tht natural inference." “The inference,”*** he, “which I am about to draw is certainly “ not strictly applicable; but, it is extra“ ordinary, that the well-informed too of the vote of thanks to the volunt" “ did not remember, that the best histor” “ have observed, that, as states are delio, “ honours are lavishoy distributed. Th". “ when Cicero demanded for Bulpici". “ who died on a journey, the same honours “ as were decreed for those ambassado” “ who were killed at their post, it wo “garded as a certain indication of the o: “tering condition of the commonwealth. The case is not, indeed, exactly in so because the Roman honours were la” on an ambassador; but, that circum” does by no means obstruct the cour* of the principle, which goes on directly to the fair and unavoidable inference, that, as *. qualities by which a nation maint" ". independence, Great Britain is "o" o: decline, and has already gone so far, “". in a tottering condition; an insere.” t truth of which, if it wanted any o firmation, would certainly need "..." than that which is so abandantly *

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by the shameless boastings that fill our pub. lic prints, and that are uttered upon the boards of our theatres to applauding audiences. The peculiar characteristic of

Englishmen has always been modesty, j

esty bordering upon sheepishness. The French call it mauvaise boute. For this sin we no longer deserve reproach, as ever one must be convinced who has had the mortification to read, to hear of, those acts of heroism, which our volanteers are daily performing, and the relations of which are so disgustingly vain-glorious, so intolerably base in their flattery, that it is impossible that they could be committed to the press in any country not very far gone in degradation. It will be said, perhaps, that we must not judge of the mind of a nation from the effusions of the minds of editors of newspapers and writers of plays; but, without stopping to show that the same base propensity predominates in books and pamphlets, of almost every description, to say nothing of certain speeches that one might easily refer to; without stopping for this, we may be assured, that, whether we regard the public prints and the theatre as exhibiting a picture of the national mind, foreign nations will so regard them. And, indeed, so they ought to be, and so they must be regarded; for editors and play writers studiously consult the mind of the public, and, generally speaking, according to the state and taste of that mind they fashion their performances. What a disgraceful picture, do we, then, exhibit to Europe; to all those nations who formerly envied our exalted state Penned up here, as we are, with the spade ready to cut down our dykes and the torch ready to set fire to our beacons; living here as we do in constant alarm and agitation; regulating our sales and purchases and almost our lodging and our diet by the variation in our hopes and our &ars relative to the power and the threats of the enemy; thus situated, the slaves of our own selfishness, the pity of friends, and the sport and scorn of our enemies, we have still the strange perverseness to be the greatest boasters that the world ever saw: The toast at the London Tavern, together with the subsequent apprevensions and alarms of the gentleman, who then wished for “a speedy meeting with Buona* parté on our own shores,” affords a complete specimen of what we are capable of in this way; and, upon this occasion, it is impossible not to recollect, that, at the very time when the toast was given, the partisans of the toaster were insidiously complimenting Mr. Windham upon his chiva'rous

“’ nature and his contempt of discretion " The effect of such' insinuation has, as was foretold, been done away by the events of the times: the nation has now seen too many of Mr. Windham's predictions fulfilled, even to the letter; they have now, in many ways, felt the consequences of his advice being rejected, and in none more sensibly than in the expenses and dangers they have incurred from the rejection of his counsel as to the formation of an army, as to which point, according to Sir Robert Wilson's statement, nine tenths of the military officers are decidedly with Mr. Windham.—The importance of the subject is the only apology that can be offered for the length of this article, in which I have only to hope, that the tediousness of the comment may not impair the force and diminish the utility of the text. Revival of JAcoaiN is M.–This topis has been again forced upon me by the language of the ministerial prints, in which it is insinuated, that SIR for Wilson is a jacobin, or, at least, acting, according to their jargon, jacobinically; and, one of them has not scrupled gently to hint at the propriety of dismissing Sir Robert from the King's service : , Here, then, we have a complete exposition of their doctrine, Every one who dares to open his lips against the system of the minister, or, indeed, against any of his measures, is a jacobin. This is really too grossly absurd as well as impudent, to merit any thing so serious as indignation. Not so, however, the hint for dismissing Sir Robert Wilson from the service It will be said, and truly, that this hint has proceeded from some newspaper proprietor; but, it must not be forgotten, that the persons of that description who are connected with the Treasury, never even hint at any thing which they are not pretty certain will be quite agreeable in that quarter, As being somewhat connected with this subject, I think it proper to say here a few words relative to a publication, consisting of Extracts from the Register, which has just appeared, and which I understand to have been published by the Middlesex friends of Sir Francis Burdett. It contains the whole of the article from p 331 to p. 351, of the present volume; the passage from the top of p. 376 "o the end of page 3S4; and the whole of the article from p. 412 to the end of p. 416. Let any man read those articles, and then say, if he can, that he believes the persons, by whom they have been circulated, to be jacobins; nay, I appeal to any candid man, whether persons so acting can possibly entertain nations and

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