effect of any accident, however trifling, or of any variation in the pace of the leading carriage of the processions; of the confusion and delay which the recoiling, the breaking down, or the oversetting of one of the carriages would inevitably occasion; of the long time that would be required to change or feed the horses, owing to the want of stabling and grooms, and to the uproar that such an enterprize would produce in every town and village, and, indeed, from one end of the line of march to the other; for, is any one weak enough to imagine, that the inhabitants would not flee in an opposite direction to that of the cars, or that a naked sword would prevent them from crowding up the way with their chil dren, their cattle, and their goods? Of none of these things did the mass of the public think at first; but, when they heard men accused of a desire to ruin the country by opposing the car-project, or rather by pointing out its inutility, that love of justice, which is ever powerful in an Englishman's breast, induced them to examine a little into the grounds of so weighty a charge, and it required very little indeed to convince them, that the project was, as to military purposes, perfectly nagatory, if not mischievous, and that it could answer no other purpose than that of making a visible enrollment of partisans under the banners of the minister.--Your very crafty men are apt to outwit themselves; and I cannot help thinking that such will prove to have been the result in this instance. At a very early stage of this project, while it was yet in the cradle, I took the liberty to intimate to Sir Brook, that there was something rather unseemly, if not dangerous, in assembling to gether crowds of coach-makers and horseJockies to settle the affairs of the nation; and, notwithstanding the loyal and patriotic feelings which he appeared to have inspired by his at once sublime and pathetic eulogy upon the ancient and numerous family of horses, I could not forbear warning him against the effects of the precedent he was about to furnish; I could not refrain from expressing my fears, that the coach-makers, job-masters, and others possessed of carriages and horses would meet again without Sir Brook at their head; I begged him to be upon his guard against committees, their discussions, and their resolves. Sir Brook had hardly left them but they constituted themselves a sort of political society, discussed the nature of their duties towards the government in this case, as well as the effect likely to be produced by the execution of the project. In a few days, a very few days, a

schism took place amongst them, occasioned by the alleged preference which Sir Brook had given to two particular coach-makers in a contract, of which every one thought he had a right to a share! The grounds of complaint, on the part of those who were excluded from a slice of this job, will be seen stated in a letter, published in the diurnal prints, and copied into the Register, present volume, p. 351, where there is some severe censure, and some foul insinuation, levelled at Sir Brook, who is roundly scolded for entering into any contract of this kind at all" without again advising with "the members of the committee, or, at "least, with some other of the coach-ma"kers." He is told that his conduct is "extraordinary and unaccountable," and the writer confesses himself quite at a loss to discover the reason, "that the Commissary"General, even after having induced that "meeting to forsake their individual capa

city, to lead others into a similar situa"tion, should, without any regard to his "own contract with the coach-makers in

general, or to the honour of the country, "have made a private contract with twb "individual coach makers only." What this son of the hammer means by a meeting forsaking their individual capacity and leading others into a similar situation, it is inpossible to say; but, through the obscurity of his affected jargon, it is not very difficult to discover, that his loyalty and patriotisna have met with a severe disappointment in not having procured him a share of a government contract, and that, in the bitterness of his soul, he wishes to make the public believe, that there is something very mysterious in the contract which the Com missary C -General has made with the two selected coach-makers; in short, that the Commissary-General has a fellow feeling, of some sort or other, with the contractors, than which insinuation nothing, I dare say, can possibly be more false, and certain I am, that no insinuation ever arose from a motive more manifestly base. The motive staring through the act in the manner that it does will have every where defeated the malicious intention of the writer; but, this ought, one would think, to be a sufficient warning to the minister not to expose any department of the state, and by consequence the state itself, to the rude assaults of low-bred and low-minded men, whose selfishness renders them, as occasion serves, slavish or insolent.

-But, the consequences of the precedent afforded by Sir Brook's meeting was not confined to matters relating to the con-veyance of troops. Being assembled from

that "noble impulse of loyalty and patriotism," which, as a daily print told the public, induced them to offer 66 every spoke "and spring they had in their possession," the coach-masters seem to have regarded it as a convenient enough opportunity to form a committee and draw up some few resolves against the new tar that has been laid upon their vehicles of divers sorts. Accordingly their committee, as appears by public advertisement, made their report upon the subject, whereupon certain resolutions were proposed and unanimously agreed to. They resolve, that the new tax is " manifestly unjust and severely aggravated by the laws regulating the number of passen66 gers; that its unprecedented exorbitance "and unjust distribution, connected with ❝ vexatious and useless restrictions of other "laws, will be ruinous to the coachmasters. and seriously injurious to the public at "large; and that the burden of the tax

falls wholly on the middling and lower "classes of the people, while it affords an "entire exemption to the higher; that it is

partial, invidious, and oppressive." These are the sentiments of "that loyal and pa"triotic body of men," who have subscribed "their last spoke and their last spring!" It must be confessed that neither loyalty nor patriotism forbid men to complain of the ef fects of a tax, particularly if it fall on the middle and lower classes of the people to the entire exemption of the higher; if it really be partial, invidious, and oppressive; but, while I allow that very loyal and patriotic men may make such complaints and may even promulgate them in newspapers, I must be permitted to observe, that such a complaint, preferred by certain other persons that could be named, would be regarded as an indubitable mark of jacobinism.But, to return to the proceedings of the meeting: it was finally resolved to appoint a select committee, with "instructions to "adopt such measures as might be deem "ed most proper for obtaining a repeal of "this unjust and impolitic act." And, as to the ways-and-means of the measure, how were they to be raised? Why, how should they be raised but by a voluntary subscription! And, as if the devil had been piqued at the growing fame of Sir Brook, the books for this purpose were ordered to be deposited side by side with those of the car-project, at the Thatched-house, the London Tavern, and the Golden Cross, just as one boy lays lime-twigs close by the call-trap of another!--These fooleries, succeeding each other so rapidly as they do, would af ford a constant source of mirth, were not

their risible tendency checked by the ap prehensions of the dangers to which they may expose the country. If we could be certain that they would produce no mischief, we might be allowed to laugh our fill; were they confined, as to their effects, within the bounds of a parish, or some small district, ridicule would be their natural and only effect; but, when we consider, that they may finally lead to the ruin and s bjugation of our country, and that their conse quences may be felt by our children's children, then they assume another character, and excite far other sentiments. When the car project was first mentioned in the public prints, I pointed out what appeared to me to be the principal evils of this volunteering system of procuring the means of executing the measures of government, amongst which I did not omit to state, the tendency which it naturally had to divide and weaken the efforts of the people at a crisis like the present; I observed, that this manner of calling forth the resources of the country was calculated solely to create partisans for the minister; that subscribing was first made a test of loyalty, and, of course, that those who refused to subscribe were reckoned disloyal. Such a sentiment is not clearly expressed, but I am persuaded, that every one will perceive it to be clearly implied in Lord Hawkesbury's advertisement from the Thatched-house Tavern, dated 14th August, 1804, and of which the following is a copy: "At a meeting of the nobi"lity, clergy, and gentry of the metropolis "and its neighbourhood, held here this "day, the Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury "in the chair, a subscription was entered "into under the following head :-We the "undersigned nobility, clergy, and gentry, "of the metropolis and its neighbourhood,

considering it to be the indispensable duty "of every LOYAL subject, at this important crisis, to forward to the utmost of their powers the exertions of Government in "defence of our country against the at

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tempts of an invading enemy, do promise "and engage to provide and hold in readi66 ness for the public service, on the shortest notice, in the event of invasion, the "number of horses and carriages, with drie vers and harness, expressed opposite our "respective names, for the purpose of con"6 veying troops to the army, and to supply "the drivers and horses with provision and "forage sufficient, at least, for forty-eight "hours from the time of being called out." He does not, in so many words, declare that all those who do not subscribe are disloyal men; but, I leave it to any one to say whe

ther such be not the inference left to be drawn. He and his meeting, mere actors with all the parts arranged before hand, with all the resolutions ready cut and dry, perhaps, do not content themselves with a promise voluntarily to provide such and such things for the public service, though that would seem to have been all they had to do. They must preface this promise with a declaration of what is the duty of every man at this time, and also of what is requisite to entitle him to the character of a loyal man. First they declare it to be the duty of every loyal man to forward the exertions of government, by which they clearly mean, that cvery loyal man will forward the exertions of government; for, as to its being his duty, it is not more his duty than it is the duty of the disloyal man: their inclinations may differ in this respect, but their duties are the same, unless Lord Hawkesbury should be ready to contend, that with the sentiments of loyalty the duties of loyalty cease. This, then, is the amount of his declaration: that, considering that every loyal man will, at this crisis, forward the exertions of government, he and his meeting have entered their names on a subscription list for that purpose. And this is clearly to infer, that subscribing is a test of loyalty; and that, of course, all those who are able, and yet who do not subscribe, are not to be relied upon as loyal, that is to say, they ought to be suspected of disloyalty! By what authority; in virtue of what office, of what lawful power, I would be glad to know, did Lord Hawkesbury issue this declaration from his CHAIR at the Thatched-house tavern? Had the declaration come from a person out of office, it might have been regarded as impertinent, though there would have been no ministerial responsibility; but, it assumes quite a different quality when coming from a Secretary of State. Upon what authority, then, has he made this declaration? again I ask. Has he made it by the commands of his sovereign? Has his Majesty commanded him to issue a paper necessarily implying a doubt, at least, that part of his subjects are disloyal, and making a "voluntary subscription" a test of loyalty? No; most assuredly his Majesty has done no such thing: he has too much wisdom: he knows that he is, as he deserves to be, beloved by all his subjects; and his royal mind must revolt at the idea of being made the king of a party. His Majesty must perceive, too, that this subscribing system saps the foundation of his own high authority; he must perceive that the subscriptions are, in fact, given in support of the minister,

and not in support of the throne; he must have perceived that the long lists of voluntaryc y contributors are counted up as friends of the treasury; and he must have perceived, that, while it is his interest, the lasting interest of his illustrious family, to preserve harmony amongst his people, to keep them all firmly united, it may have been, and may again be, compatible with the views of his minister to divide them into sects, to split them into parties, to excite amongst them mutual suspicions, to subdue them by the means of each other, and to render them a resistless mass easily moulded to his purposes. And, who is this Lord Hawkesbury that takes upon him to brand with a want of loyalty all those who, being able, do not choose to enrol their names amongst his "voluntary subscribers?" It surely cannot be the same person that used to talk about the Corsican adventurer; that used to threaten to march to Paris! It never can be the man that negociated the treaty of Amiens; the peace of experiment that had "united the hearts of all men ne

ver to be again divided!" What! and is it really the person who signed himself Robert Banks Jenkinson, and who so gloriously feasted himself upon the Porcelaine de Seve! Is this the man under whose banners the nobility, clergy and gentry of the metropolis are to enter as volunteers upon pain of being regarded as disloyal!.... Upon such a topic there is no proceeding further. -To the

REVIVAL OF JACOBINISM. mischievous endeavours of those, who were working hard to conjure up the ghost of Jacobinism out of the proceedings during the Middlesex election, it would seem to me that the death blow has been given. The public is no longer pestered with their common place vociferation and meetinghouse cant; and though they will by-andby make their appearance again in an indirect way, they will never make head against the general indignation, which at present prevails, and which is daily increasing, at any and every attempt that may be made again to divide us into parties, distinguished by terms signifying an opposition to each other even as to our wishes and intentions relative to the existence of the monarchy and the preservation of the independence of the country; this indignation is so generally felt and so strongly expressed, that no attempt to revive such dangerous and disgraceful distinctions will meet with even a momentary success. So confident do 1 feel upon this point, that I should not have introduced the subject upon this occasion, were it not for the purpose of no

ticing a letter, which will be found in another part of the present number, from Mr. Bonney, whose name was mentioned in page 380 of the present volume, where, as the reader will recollect, I though it necessary to comment on a speech of Mr. Henry Thornton, who had represented Mr. Bonney as having been not only a member, but the secretary, of the Corresponding Society, who had dwelt upon this circumstance as conclusive evidence, that the principles of Sir Francis Burdett were such as to render him unfit for a member of parliament, and who had most artfully endeavoured, by the intermediate link of Sir Francis, to connect Mr. Bonney and his former supposed principles with all the political party now op posed to Mr. Pitt! Upon this candid and godly effort of Mr. Thornton I had before occasion to remark: I showed the injustice

of the conclusion which Mr. Thornton drew from the circumstance of Mr. Bonney's having been an agent of Sir Francis Burdett at the election; and, I might have asked, whether, upon the principle on which he was arguing, an opposite conclusion might not, and ought not, to have been drawn from the circumstance of Sir Francis Burdett having employed Mr. Plumer as his principal counsellor. Mr. Plumer was, if I mistake not, a member, and a distinguished member, of the "Loyal Association "against Republicans and Levellers;" yet he was and is employed by Sir Francis Burdett. Now, this is a circumstance, which, especially when we take Mr. Bonney's letter into view, we can hardly believe to have been quite overlooked by Mr. Thornton, from whose distinguished piety we might have reasonably hoped for a security against any such material suppression. The fact, however, relative to Mr. Bonney will admit of no dispute or doubt. Mr. Thornton positively asserted, and the assertion stands recorded in a report of his speech published by authority, that Mr. Bonney was Secretary of the Corresponding Society, and Mr. Bonney as positively asserts, that he never was even a member of the Corresponding Society, that he never was secretary of any society whatever, and that he never belonged to but one club or society in his life, and that was the Society for Constitutional Information, to which many of the first noblemen and gentlemen in the land are well known to have belonged. Now, as the proof is so near at hand, as it is recorded in

the proceedings of a court of justice, there are few persons who will 'entertain any doubt as to the correctness of Mr. Bonney's statement; and, it necessarily follows, that there can be very little doubt, that, upon this occasion, Mr. Thornton has positively asserted that which is contrary to truth; ard that this he has done, too, for the purpose of producing an impression which he regarded as extremely injurious to the public character as well as to the cause of Sir Francis Burdett. Upon such conduct it is, I trust, unnecessary to make a single re mark, except this; that Mr. Thornton is the person who has stood forward at the head of those, who have endeavoured to revive the cry of Jacobinism.—Before I entirely dismiss this subject, I cannot re frain from remarking on the altered language of the ministry and their partisans relative to the opinions and voice of the peo. ple. No one can have forgotten, that, in answer to all our statements against the ig nominious peace of Amiens, we were re minded that the people, the nation, had decidedly expressed their approbation of it. F could quote more than one hundred passages from speeches in parliament, where this argument was made use of with triumph by the present ministers and their supporters; and that their friends out of doors took the same tone need not be mentioned. But, now, behold, when joy at the supposed success of Sir Francis Burdett is

expressed by two or three hundred thousand voices, the people are no longer the people and the nation, but the mob and the rabble! In the cause of Burdett and Independence it will not be asserted, that there was any base and cowardly; yet those who join in that cry a, e called rabble, while the name of the people and the nation are given to the vile and infamous herd, who, though they knew that LAURISTON brought the confirmation of their country's ignominy, harnessed themselves to his chariot, forced him through the ranks of the guards, and drew him in triumph along the road, which, till then, had ever been appropriated exclusively to the use of the King. But, the shouts of that worse than brutal rabble were convertible to ministerial support; those plaudits were in favour of a measure, for which the ministers stood in need of a jus tification; then, therefore, the applauders were the people and the nation, but now they are rabble and mob.

PRICE 10D.

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LETTER 1.

TO THE RT. HON. WILLIAM PITT, ON THE CAUSES OF THE DECLINE OF GREAT BRITAIN.

INTRODUCTION.

SIR, -Nothing is either more common or more true, than the observation, that, in order to provide an adequate remedy for evils, whether moral or political, it is necessary, first to inquire into, and, if possible, ascertain, the causes whence they have proceeded; and, I trust, that, when it is considered what must, in the present instance, necessarily be the objects of inquiry, it will be thought in no wise improper, that I address myself to you; not only because you ate the first minister of the King, and, of course, are responsible for ineasures now to be adopted, but also, because you have, from your long and uncontrouled possession of power, contracted a deep responsibility with respect to the past.

Ia estimating arguments, relating to any subject, and particularly to measures and events, in which the writer has taken no part, personal considerations with regard to him ought never to intrude; but, Sir, this intrusion, so inimical to the cause of truth and of justice, experience has convinced us that nothing can prevent in the case of political discussions; where, though the reasoning have no possible connexion with the character, conduct, motives, or views of the reasoner, though the door be barred against them by every principle according to which meo, in other cases, form their judgment, intrude they will; and powerful indeed must be the talents of him who can with safety bid them defiance! Greatly and justly diffident in this latter respect, feeling the full weight of the task I have ventured to encounter, and being, therefore, anxious to avoid the assaults of any extraneous adversary, I shall, I hope, be excused, especially when some recent transactions are taken into view, if, previous to my entering on the important subject before me, I endeavour to guard against the foul hostility of personal considerations, whatever degree of conviction

[450

my reasoning may hav, the good fortune to produce.

It is now, Sir, ten years since I first took up the pen with an inention to write for the press, on political subjects; and the occasion of my so doing is too curious in itself, as well as of too much importance as to the sequel, not to be described somewhat in detail. At the memorable epoch of Doctor Priestley's emigration to America, I followed, in the city of Philadelphia, the profession of teacher of the English language to Frenchmen. Newspapers were a luxury for which I had little relish, and which, if I had been ever so fond of, I had not time to enjoy. The manifestoes, therefore, of the Doctor, upon his landing in that country, and the malicious attacks upon the monarchy and the monarch of England which certain societies in America thereupon issued through the press, would, had it not been for a circumstance purely accidental, have escaped, probably for ever, not only my animadversion, but my knowledge of their existence. One of my scholars, who was a person that we in England should call a Coffee-house Politician, chose, for once, to read his newspaper by way of lesson; and, it happened to be the very paper which contained the addresses presented to Doctor Priestley at New York, together with his replies. My scholar, who was a sort of republican, or, at best, but half a monarchist, appeared delighted with the invectives against Eugland, to which he was very much disposed to add. Those Englishmen who have been abroad, particularly if they have had time to make a comparison between the country they are in and that which they have left, well know how difficult it is, upon occasions such as I have been describing, to refrain from expressing their indignation: and resentment; and there is not, I trust, mach reason to suppose, that I should, in this respect, experience less difficulty than another. The dispute was as warm as night reasonably be expected between a Frenchman, uncommonly violent even for a Frenc! myn, and an Englishman not remarkable for sang froid; and, the result was, a declared