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“gent, my obligation is much greater than
“it appears to be on the face of the poll, “ instead of being returned with a majority “ of only 5, I consider myself elected by “ the general voice of the county. I felt it “my duty repeatedly, during the election, to charge my opponent with resorting to means of the most unjustifiable kind, in order again to obtain a colourable majority, and to deprive the real electors of their constitutional rights. This charge was not like the calumnies by which my ‘ father was so grossly vilifie". invented to serve the purposes of an election, but a just accusation, founded by indisputable and notorious facts. Repugnant as it is to my feelings to appear triumphant over a vanquished adversary, I cannot refrain from congratulating you, on the victory which you have enabled me to obtain over a faction as desperate as it is enterprising ; a faction which hesitates at nothing to obtain its ends, and which is no less inimical to the people whom it flatters that to the throne which it seeks to subvert. I am proud in being the instrument in your hands of rescuing this county from the grasp of such a faction. Permit me to assure you, that it is the first wish of my heart, and shall be the grand object of my life, to merit your favour, by an unremitting attention to the duties of the honourable station in which you have placed me, and by the utmost zeal and exertions in that great and important cause, in which, undcr your auspices, I am so propitiously em. “ barked. I am, &c. G. B. MAIN war* ING...”
B AT H volu N T E E R s. The following statement, which has been published by the Fifth Company of the Loyal Bath Volunteers, exhibits another instance of the effects of that famous system, on which the minister has made the safety of the country, depend. The language made use of both by the officer, as The is called, and the private man, is well worth notice; and, having read the whole paper, let the soter and reflecting reader ask himself, what will be the conduct of such corps, if ordered upon actual service And also, what effects will their example produce on the soldiers of the regular army? “Incontrovertible facts in defence of the “Fifth Company of Bath Loyal Volun“teers.”—To a liberal public the following statement will, we trust, have the effect of exculpating us from the charge of having acted with intemperance, or of having, without sufficient reason, deserted
the great cause in which we had embarked, On Monday July the 9th, the regiment was assembled in the Villa-Field, and, in the course of their manaeuvres, Mr. James Higgo (private in the above company) was alluded to, by Mr. George Norman (subaltern in the fourth company) is the following words, addressed to the serjeant-Major, “That fellow is drunk, damn “ him, turn him out, he can't march thrée “, steps right.” Mr. Higgo felt the indignity that was offered him, answered, “You “ are an impudent puppy, Sir, you think, “ because you have a song sword, a lon ‘ coat, and a cock'd-hat, that you may in: ‘sult persons equally respectable as yourself, but I'll not be insulted by any of “ you.” This was the extent of Mr. Higgo's ill conduct. On the following Monday, Mr. Norman appealed to the Colonel, and demanded an apology from Mr. Higgo, he peremptorily refused, till some acknowledgment was previously made by Mr. Norman, who was undoubtedly the first aggressor. This altercation continued throughout the evening's parade, at the end of which, Mr. Higgo received a message from the Colonel, that he must apologize that evening, or his discharge from the regiment would be sent the next morning: the threat was put into execution, as will be seen by the following copy of the discharge, which was received. “Loyal Bath § “ lunteer Infantry, commanded by Col. J. “Strode. These are to certify that the “bearer hereof, James Higgo, private in “Captain Brander's company of the above regiment—has served in the above regi“ment and company for the space of ten “ months—and he is hereby discharged by “ order of Colonel Strode. Given under “my hand this seventeenth o of July, “ 1804. John Strode, Col.”—We deem superfluous any comment on the elegance of diction, or correctness of its orthography; but cannot resist expressing our surprise, that Colonel Strode should sign a paper, which, from its illiterate style, it is impossible he could have read.——On hearing the measures that had been adopted, each individual of the company resolved to send his resignation, fearing that he must either tacitly receive a similar insult, or meet with the like disgraceful punishment. As a means of preventing this unpleasant circumstance, a .# of the privates of the company was called, and the following resolutions agreed to: —— Resolutions: First. That in consequence of the dismissal of Mr. James Higgo from the regiment; (without assigning any cause, as the inclosed literal copy of the discharge pecu
liarly specifics) we, the undersigned members are determined not to attend the muster in future, until our much-respected comrade be honourably re-instated in the ranks,—-Sccond. That we sincerely lament the unpleasant necessity which has in periously . the present meeting; and that, notwithstanding our loyalty may be retarded through the unprecedented conduct of a subaltern, we still earnestly wish to render ourselves useful to the country, by unitiug ourselves to the regiment, as soon as the present disagreement is adjusted.——Third. That it is decidedly the opinion of this meeting, strong'y supported upon the most respectable military authority, that the interference of any inferior officer with a company to which he is not attached, is not only unsoldier-like, but (in the present instance) ungentleman-like.— Fourth. That a deputation from this meeting be appointed to wait upon Captain Brander, with a copy of these resolutions; and that he be earnestly requested to lay the decisions of the company before the Colonel; and further, to declare a wish, that the latter would be pleased to re-investigate the subject under consideration: doubting not, he may then feel the honour of the regiment at stake, and revoke a measure pregnant with the most mischievous consequences to the unanimity of the corps. -Fifth. That the company feel happy on the present occasion, to express their warm attachment, their sincere gratitude, and respect to their worthy captain for his inde, endent spirit as a man, and his military conduct as an officer. [Here follows the names of the company.]—In compliance with the above request, Captain Brander waited on Colonel Strode, who gave him an absolute promise that the case should be investigated by the committee of the regiment. At the next meeting of the committee the matter was accordingly brought forward, but Captain Harris (the Chairman) refused hearing a syllable on the subject, giving his word that the Colonel intended to call a select committee for that purpose.—No committee has been called, and we are given to understand, that the investigation will not take place, as the officers have sent a letter of thanks to the Colonel for his firm and impartial conduct. —Can a breach of promise be called firmness of character, or hearing but one side of the question, impartial conduct!!!—— Under these circumstances, we have no al. ternative but to resign;–no opportunity of defending our conduct, but by this address. Colonel Strode has asserted his right of dismissing Mr. Higgo, from the circumstance
of his appearing intoxicated on parade—
this we positively contradict. Immediately
after the parade, Mr. Higgo appealed to Lieut. Col. Dumbleton, if he then appeared to be in liquor —the Colonel answered, No. Could his situation, half-an-hour before, have been such as to warrant his dis. charge from the regiment * Respecting the reports of other instances of our coinrode's misbehaviour, we can only say they are altogether unfounded. We have testimony to vouch for the authenticity of the above statement, to stimony of men who too much regard their own character, either to counte; ance, , or take shelter under a falsehood. And you, our fellow-soldiers, belonging to other companies, let us exhort you, not to intersere in this unhappy dispute.—Let it rest entirely with us. Your officers, seeing the effect of impetuosity, will hereafter treat you with that lenity and re. spect, which should ever be shewn to men who sacrifice their time to the public weal. That you may continue an united body, unso. by insolence or a rogance, is on sincerest wish; you will then be the pride and boast of your city—the able defenders of your country's honour. With these sell. timents deeply imprescd upon our heart, we bid you sarewell.
SUMMARY OF POLITICS.
Middlesex Election.—It was my intention to have submitted, in the presert sheet, some observations upon this important subject; but, it was necessary first to give a narrative of the occurrences to be observe on, and the length of this narrative together with an article on the Bath Vouliteers, of which it would have been im: proper to postpone the insertion, have :0 narrowed my limits, as to oblige me to defer my purpose to the next sheet, in which I sbali endeavour to place the merits and the conduct of the candidates and their fier' respectively in a fair and impartial light, In the mean time the narrative and duo ments should be read with attention. To materials have, of contse, been collect from the public prints, but I trust it will to found, that the compilation is, as, inder", it ought to be, such as neither party to with reason complain of.
Price of Bread.—The price of " quartern loaf having already risen to a shik ling, I must take the liberty, though it should expose me to the charge of you"), of again referring to she warning which ". given to the minister in p. 82 of the present volume, no longer than five week. ago, when he was told, that, if the cornbill wo persevered in, and if we should have * *
harvest, the quartern loaf would sell for a shilling before Christmas. That the bill here mentioned has had a considerable share in this sudden and alarming rise there can be no doubt; because, the moment it was passed, it became, and it continues to be, an inducement for the speculators in corn, to with-hold it from the market, which they are enabled to do by the facility which the paper money system affords them of obtaining discounts and of postponin; the dates of the demands upon them for payment. That, finally, all their corn must corne to market, and that they will be ruined, if they keep it back too long, is certain ; but, the knowledge of those facts will, in the mean-time, be no consolation to the suffering people, nor will it afford the government any se. curity against the effects of those discontents, which scarcity never has failed, and never will tail, to excite. In my last article upon this subject, I expressed a wish to see the degree of this influence of papermoney upon the price of provisions, in times of scarcity, ascertained; and I spoke of the works of Mr. Foster and Mr. Howison. Speaking from memory I mistook Mr. Foster's work, for that of Mr. Parnell, who has made a quotation from Mr. Malthus, and has added thereto some very useful remarks. I still find, that neither of these writers af. fords the information to be wished for as to the degree of this dangerous influence; but, Mr. Howison has laid down the principle in a manner so satisfactory to my mind, that I am induced to believe that those, who have not had an opportunity of perusing his excellent pamphlet, will thank me for the extract I am now about to make from it.—
• In articles of necessity, when livited in quantity, the distress may be carried to a still greater degree by means of paper credit, or paper money. The consump“tion of articles of luxury, or even of convenience, when the price is high, may be “ deferred until the price becomes suitable. But in articles of necessity that cannot be “ done. They must be had as long as within the power of the user, at whatever “ rate. Any means, which enable the possessor of such commodities in times of scarcity, to with hold the articles from market, enable him to raise the price just as high as he may choose, or as the last shilling of the user can reach. Discounting of bills, in the late scarcity, enabled corn-dealers to relieve the demands upon them for payment of prices, and to feed the markets just as their avarice dictated, and thereby must have added greatly to the distress in the dearth. By a specula"tion in ram, founded upou discounted
“ bills, it was raised to three prices, which * limited the consumption so:rnuch as to accumulate the quantity beyond the power of the speculators. ... The consequence was the ruin of the speculators, and an after distress to the grower of the article, arising from the glut. In this instance, discounted bills equally produced ruin to the adventurer, as in the diminished consumption it caust dan injury to the planter, to trade, and to the revenue. By the command of fictitious money in paper, “ the same thirg may be done, and is done. more or less, in every article. The Bank. “Directors, by with-holding, or pouring “ upon, the public paper money, may raise “ or lower prices as they please, so long as the public have no check upon them, by “ demanding the conversion of their paper into value. . No person, who buys during “an increased circulation, can sell, during “ a diminished circulation, without loss, if not ruin. By the restraining law, nothing “ seems to be left with the public in selfdefence against suth consequences, short
“ of the absolute rejection of paper money.
“ in the first instance ; for violent neasures. “ always give rise to severe, if not to vio“lent, remedies. Gold, the general standard “ of money in society, is not subject to such abuse, and cannot be made the means “ of such irresistible distress to individuals. It is as much beyond the restraint of pow“er, as it is proof against the devices of “ private fraud and of public deception. “Fortunately for mankind, however, there are times and situations, in which the rices of necessary commodities cannot be influenced by the operations in money. “Among the burning sands in the deserts of Arabia, where there is little or no water, the last sixpence might be extort“ed for a drink of water; but, on the books of the Nile, it is impossible to bring in ordinary circumstances any price. “ upon it, the quantity there being so much “greater than the occasion for it , and still water is of equal mility to the animal “economy in both places. Corn is now “ become in such pirnty, from the late fa. “ vourable seasons, the fictitious state of paper-money cannot influence it; notwithstanding the depreciation of money: “ that article has failen back in price. “Animals being longer in attaining matu“ority, butcher's meat cannot be so soon. supplied, and, not being in such quantity, it is, like most other articles of lux“ ury, kept up in price upon the scale-ofdepreciated money."—Then follows his conclusion, as expressed in the words which lice been chosen for the motto of the pre
sent sheet, and which conclusion I take to be inctrovertible. The degree, however, remains to be ascertained. The task would, probably, be very difficult for persons possessing infinitely more information and talent than I can pretend to ; but, that the degree is not inconsiderable may, I think, be fairly presumed for the rise which has now taken place, and which is an increase of nearly one half of the former price, in the short space of five weeks; an increase by no means to be attributed entirely to the prospect of a scanty harvest, but to the combined causes of real threatening scarcity, of the influence of a paper-money not convertible into specie, and of the act of parliament recently passed for granting a premium on the exportation of corn. For the sole purpose of passing this law the late session of parliament, already protracted to nearly eight months, was protracted a week longer, and was actually passed in the face of an acknowlegment, on the part of the minister, that there was a prospect of a scanty crop, and that that prospect had already, previous to the passing of the law, produced a rise in the price of bread | Call you this wisdom Call you this prudence Cali you this man a “ safe politician *" But this is only another instance of the indifference which Mr. Pitt feels with respect to any consequence to the public when compared with his own interest or ambition. Every debate is, with him, condacted upon parly views. If he gave way upon the subject of the corn-bill, he lost some little of his consequence, and, perhaps, some few of his votes, rather than
wilich the whole nation might perish. He
was told, in opposition to the bill, that it had already caused a rise in the price of corn. and that this effect might become particularly injurious at the eve of a harvest which wore an unpromising aspect. Oh, oh says he, this is a fine catch for me! Up he got, therefore, and insisted that the gentleman's argument made nothing against the bill, because, the prospect of the harvest being bad, the rise which had taken place in the price of corn ought to be attributed to that prosspect, and not to the bill. This, with his manner of stating it, was quite a clever thing, and would not fail to bring a triumphant smile upon the faces of those profound statesmen and legislators by whom he is surrounded. But, as was before observed, he could not deny the enchanting effect of the bill, without acknowledging that the prospect of the harvest was bad, and to such a degree as already to have caused a rise in the price of corn; and, who is there that will attempt to justify him for having, w.th
move it from hand to hand.
the knowledge of this fact, persevered in passing the bill This is the act for which he is censurable, and highly censurable. The nation will, perhaps, owe more calamity to this one instance of his love of triumph in debate, of his passion for domineering, than to whole years of foreign hostility.— The high prices will occasion an increase of the paper-inoney, from the same cause that a similar increase is produced by every additional tax : the commodity being raised in nominal value, there requires, of course, a greater quantity of circulating medium to The increase of paper-money will cause a further dimi. nution in its value, and this depreciation will produce a further rise in the price of provisions, or will, at least, prevent the price from falling back to its former state. And thus, very probably, will the corn-bill have contributed towards the producing of troubles and mischiefs of which it is impossible to see the end.—-A correspondent, whose letter comes from a town in Hampshire, says I am mistaken as to the state of the prices of labour. His words are these : “You are certainly misinformed with re“ spect to the prices of labour. They have “ been reduced according to the prices of corn, and as low as they were previous to “ the great scarcity. As provisions become “dearer, they will rise again without any difficulty. They are always kept in proportion to the value of the bushel of corn; “ and the farmers, on the one hatid, and the “ men themselves on the other, take car" “ to lower or raise thern continually." No", with due submission to a person who spe” so positively, I venture to state, that if this be the case in the country, it is not so in the town; and, I believe, it will not be denied, that journeymen tradesmen, who can “”
move from master to master with the greatest facility, and who have besides (hank."
the countenance which Mr. Pitt and F* liament have given to benefit clubs) fuul,
to maiutain such as are thrown out of work by their demands of higher wages ; I think
it will not be denied, that these person* . more likely to keep their wages up to * *
with the price of bread than the cou"?
labourers are, who, for the most part.”".
not quit their parishes, and would, in o:
every instance, find it very dificult to 4"
their masters. That the farmers to "
have reduced the rate of their meas." I will not insist, but even that they ". not do all at once; and, as to the met” o: ing their wages according to the rise," price of the bushel of corn, I wo. my correspondent whether he really ... to say, that the country-labourer's Woo,
has, within these six weeks, received an increase of one half of its former amount The bread has, during that space, risen from 83d. to 1s. but, I am afraid that my correspondent will find, that no addition whatever has been made to the wages of the labourer. That they will receive an addi. tion in time, there can be no doubt; but it will come very slowly, and will be yielded to nothing less than that sort of necessity which bears down all resistance: in short, the labourers and their children must be deprived of everything but bread, and most want even a sufficient quantity of that, before their wages will take any considerable rise. The interval is a season of suffering. of consequent discontent, and, if care be not taken, of great danger to the state, espe. cially when we consider the effect which has been produced by that most injudicious, that mad measure, the corn hill, and when we cast our eye over the multitudes, into whose hands the wisdom of the minister has put arms and ammunition. With such a prospect before us, it behoves the minister to think betimes of means of prevention; and not to stay till the danger is at our doors, and then tell us “there is not time to deliberate;” not to bring us into a state which will afford an excuse for the application of one of his desperate remedies; a dose of his horse-phy.ic; one of his potent state nostrums. It is now more than a year ago that he was explicitly warned of the damger of scarcity united with his volunteer system: not a month during the whole twelve has past without a repetition of the washing; the danger is now approaching, and, on his head be the consequences! Be his conduct what it may, however, we must not neglect our duty in this dangerous saason. Every one should, according to his means, encourage the people to bear the £alamity of the times with fortitude; to See always in their view the important truth, that war does not tend to enhance the price of provisions; and, above all things, to check every attempt to excite a prejudice against the persons engaged in the .* the preparing, or the vending of read; for, set it never be forgotten, that *hongst the charges of farmers, corn-dealto millers, and bakers, will always be intuded the risks of trade. For this reason I cannot help regarding as very censurable, the following paragraph of a Portsmouth ope of the 18th instant: “We exceed« o: lament in stating, that the price of 4. read will encrease here on Monda ot next 4d. per gallon, which will make it is iod. Flour, which sold last week for * 52s. per sack, the farmers enhance this
“ week, to 63s.” Why the farmers 2 The farmers, like every body else, sell their goods for as unuch as they can ; and are they, merely because they deal in wheat, to be
inted out as objects of public hatred 2 The harsh epithets bestowed upon speculators in corn or meal are equally unjust. To speculate in those articles is a trade, and though, in consequence of the paper-money systein, it is a trade which, in certain cases, is extremely injurious to the community, yet the persons who follow the trade cannot be blamed for making as much by it as possible; the livelihood of themselves and their families depends upon their success in this trode, and therefore it is as unreasonable to blame their speculations as it would be to blame a blacksmith for shoeing people's horses. As to the system, indeed, which, after having made every thing else an object of gambling, has, at last, set the staff of life upon the cast of the dye, it is certainly an object of abhorrence; but that abhorrence should not be exteuded to any individual of any class. The same may be said of Bank-Directors and all the inferior tribe of paper-money makers, who, though they are somewhat more closely connected with the minister of the day, do, neverthe; less, only follow a trade which is sanctioned by law, and of the mischiefs which that trade produces, they experience, perhaps, rather more than their share. Finally, we should avoid, on this score, all harsh reproaches against even the minister himself, who never was aware of the destructive tendency of his system of finance, and who, for his own sake, would now apply a remedy were it in his power. Besides, all he has done has been sanctioned by the different parliaments to whom his projects have been submitted; and, if he has produced mischief without measure, his associates are not few.
Milit AR Y PRoy Ect LAw.—This law, which was intended to “establish and “ maintain a permanent additional force “ for the defence of the realm, and to “ provide for augmenting his Majesty's re“gular forces,” has, in the space of two months, produced, I am well informed, about 14 or 15 men. I say fourteen or fifteen 1 And I should be very glad to hope that I had misunderstood, and that I had taken units for hundreds or thousands. But, the fact is as I have stated it. The parishes may have raised more; but 14 or 15 are all that government have yet heard of. It was foretold that no men would be obtained by this project; that the parishes would pay the fines; that the measure would turn out to be a mere tax, and that this tax, being direct and Partial, could livt.