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mandants of foreign possessions; othby, Of generals, &c. acting contrary to iotructions; 6thly, Of acts of extortion and dilapidation committed by prefects of the interior in the exercise of their functions, 7thly, Of denunciations occasioned by arbitrary detentions, and the violation of the liberty of the press.—CII. The seat of the high imperial court is in the senate.-CIII. The archchancellor of the empre is president. In case of illness or the necessary absence of the arch-chancellor another titulary of a grand dignity of to empire may preside for the time being —CIV. The high imperial court is composed of the princes, the titularies of the grand dignities and grand officers of the Ampire, the grand judge, minister of justic, sixty senators, the six sectional presidents of the counsel of state, fourteen counsellors of state, and twenty members of the court of cassation. The senators, counsellors of state and members of the court of cassation, are chosen by seniority.—CV. An attorney-general, nominated for life by the Emperor, assists in the high imperial court. He performs the duties of his office, assisted by three tribunes, chosen every year by the legislative body, and three magistrates nominated by the Emperor from the officers of the court of appeal and criminal justice.— CVI. The chief clerk of the high imperial court is nominated for life by the Emperor. —CVII. No exception can be made to the decision of the president of the high imperial court.—CVIII. The proceedings of the high imperial court can only originate with the government.—CX. Ministers or counsellors
of state, acting contrary to the laws and
constitutions of the empire, may be denounced by the legislative body. — CXI. Persons holding the situations of captains general of colonies, colonial prefects, commandants of foreign possessions, &c. sus. pected of abusing the power delegated to them, may be denounced by the legislative body; also generals disobeying their instructions, and prefects of the interior suspected of dilapidation and extortion. CXII. The legislative body likewise denounces ministers and agents of government suspected of arbitrary detentions, or a violation of the liberty of the press. (To be continued.)
DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPER.
Copy of a Circular Letter from the Adjutant : General to the General Officer commanding the Eastern District.—Dated Aug 0.
Si R,--I have received the Commander in Chief's commands, to inform you that his Majesty has been Picascd to appoint
the officers named in the margin * to be employed on the staff, and that his Royal Highness has directed that they shall be placed under your orders, with the view of their being disposed of at your discretion, in the command and superintendence of the different brigades of the volunteer force of the Eastern District, as detailed in your letter to the Quarter Master General of the
and its accompanying return. The provi. sion which the government has thought proper to make for the superintendence and various arrangements relating to these corps, will suggest to you the importance which is attached to their services; and his Royal Highness desires that you will strongly impress on the general officers, as well as the other staff officers who are at this time, or may hereafter be attached to them, that it will in a very great degree depend on their individual exertions to insure that the expectations of the country on this material point are not disappointed. With this view it will be essentially necessary, that each general officer, or other officer, to whom a command of volunteers is entrusted, shall reside in a situation centrical and convenient to the corps under his orders, and make himself immediately acquainted with every particular relating to them, with the nature and extent of the service for which they are respectively engaged, with their effective strength, with the characters and the extent of military information of the commanders, with the state of the corps in regard to their internal economy, their horses, arms, ammunition, and exery species of military equipment, and, above all, with the degree of forwardness they have attained in their discipline and field movements, and whether they are or are not competent to act with the troops of the line, of which he can only become a competent judge by fiequent inspections, and by taking as many opportunities as possible of seeing them under arms. It will also be incumbent on the general officers, or others, commanding brigades, in concert with the commanding officers of corps, to fix the routs by which, in case of being called out, each corps is to arrive at the general place of rendezvous of the bri. gade, and to assure, by every previous precaution and preparation, that no obstacle shall occur to prevent the regularity and certainty of their movements at that critical moment; for which purpose it is highly material for him to ascertain that the arrangements for providing carts for the camp ket
men, are carried into effect, in pursuance of the instructions of his Majesty's Secretary of State. ——The Commander in Chief is aware that the duties hereby enjoined to the general officers employed with the volunteer force, caunot be discharged with advantage to the country without the utmost zeal and unremitted personal exertions on their part. In his expectation on this head, his Royal Highness is persuaded that he shall not be disappointed, but it is moreover equally essential that these officers should continually bear in mind that the corps under their command are composed of men unused to a military life, over whom they have not any direct control till placed on permanent duty, but who have voluntarily enrolled themselves with the generous purpose of sharing with the regular troops in the labours, difficulties, and honours, which are presented to those who are engaged in the defence of their country, by the arduous contest in which we are at this time engaged. It is to be presumed that they will feel the force of these considerations, and will conduct their command on every occasion with all the urbanity, mildness, and indulgence, which is consistent with military discipline, without compromising or impeding the important primary object of rendering the corps effective and fit for actual service. To insure the efficiency of the corps, it is necessary that the commanders of brigades should constantly attend the inspections ordered by Act of Parliament, and require a strict account of all absentees. With respect to their discipline, it is the Commander in Chief's expectation, that they will offer their attendance to such commanding officers of corps (not placed upon permanent duty), as are desirous of receiving the advantage of their instructions.——I have the Commander in Chief's directions to request you will furnish each officer, who is placed in the command of a brigade of volunteers, with a copy of a letter I had the honour of addressing to you on the 22d of Sept. and the 7th of Jan. upon the subject of the duties of the inspectors of those corps, which his Royal Highness conceives may afford some useful information for their guidance, with respect to the returns to be made from time to time, and othel particulars relating to the volunteer system: and his Royal Highness is of opinion, that the services of the inspecting field officers, already stationed in the Eastern District, may be continued with much advantage in aid of the officers commanding brigades. His Royal Highness likewise apPioves, in every instance, where you judge it
tles, and waggons for the conveyance of the
expedient, that the officers should receive the assistance of a brigade adjutant, to be selected from the experienced and well-informed officers on the half pay of the regular service (beneath the rank of field officer), or even from the volunteer corps themselves, if such officers are in every respect competent to the duty, and have been educated in the regular service, with the pay of adjutant of infantry, in addition to their half-pay, and forage for two horses; and I am to request that you will mention, for his Royal Highness's approbation, any officers you may wish to recommend as competent and eligible for these temporary employments. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) HARRY CA Lv ERT, Adj General.
SUMMARY OF POLITICS.
BANK Di Rectors. Previous to a few remarks which I intend to offer on the animadversions which a correspondent has made upon the conduct of these gentlemen, I cannot forbear saying a word or two respecting the tenor of the words written on their paper-money. It is, indeed, consummately preposterous to continue to write the words “ promise to pay" in a note, the drawer of which is not compelled by law to pay, except in another note of his own, and which other note he can draw at the expense of a halfpenny, or penny at most. This is the mere apparition of public credit, stalking about while the body is in a languishing state, and giving awful signs of its approaching dissolution. The paper money makers in Ireland, or some of them, at least, seem to be, at last aware of the absurdity of this practice, and of the insult which it offers to the common sense of the people. Mr. Foster represents them as being a most active and adventurous race. Such is their desire to grasp, that he seems to think they will soon endeavour to find materials even cheaper than paper; though, one would hope, that, when the trifling difference between the value of new rye-straw and that of old linen rags constitutes the sole object of aeconomy, patriotism would so far get the better of private interest as to induce them to continue the use of the staple commodity of their country, especially as the demand is, and promises to be, so considerable as to make up for a part of the falling off which the war may occasion in the manufactories. Without, however, attempting to set bounds to either the ingenuity or the enterprize of these Irish money-makers, and refraining from any reflection upon the impolicy of the linen-weavers of the northern counties,
who obstinately persist in taking nothing but l
gold for their goods, to the manifest injury of their manufactories, I shall take the liberty to state a fact, which, I flatter myself, will fully prove, that the bankers in Ireland are more tenacious of their promises than persons of the same trade in another coun. try, which, for reasons evident enough, need not, at present, be named. Some gentle. man, unknown to me, considering, perhaps, that I might, just at this time, possibly stand in need of pecuniary assistance, has, in the most handsome manner that can be conceived, presented me with an Irish bank-nose. The sum is, as will be perceived, not very considerable; but, I take the will for the deed, and heartily thank him for turnishing me and my readers with a specimen of the most diminutive that I have yet seen of that species of currency which has been engendered by our renowned “Capital, Credit, “ and Confidence.” As nearly as I can represent it with vulgar materials, this is its tenor and form.
| No. 1077. Coolnamuck.
- I owe the Bearer Sixpence British.
the part of the note represented by the little square on the left. His motto is, AUT CEsa R Aur Nullus, which, freely interpreted, means, N Eck or Noth 1 N G, and, his crest is a hand wielding a dagger, which seems to say, TAKE TH is Note, o R TAKE cARE of You Rs Elf.--Thus are bank notes given for a sum hardly sufficient to buy lights enough for a cat's dinner: in the winter time it will purchase in London just one apple, and at no time will it pay for more than a single mouthful in a pastry cook's shop ! But, it is not the amount which is the prominent characteristic of this note: it is the singular modesty and good faith of the drawer, who, though the sum be only sixpence British, will not venture to promise ever to repay it. “I owe the bear sixpence," says he 5 and there he stops. If all his fraternity, in all countries, had been as chary of their word, what innumerable woes, what rivers of blood, would have been spared The phraseology of the American Congressmoney I have forgotten. That of the French assignats was, “bon pour six sous, &c. &c." and this was very legible upon the paper that was printed long after every body knew that a note for six sous was of a real value much too low for language to afford it a denon, is a tion. Mr. Wail scorns all such deceiving tricks, and contents himself with
just saying that he owes the bearer sixpence. When the paper-money of America became little or nothing worth, people, in some parts, threaded it upon strong packthreads, which they strained across the road against the breasts of the horses of the Congressmen as these latter were going to or from that assembly. In France we know that the consequences were very different ; and, have we not reason to fear, that, in this respect, Ireland, and even England, will, if great foresight and energy be not displayed by the government, resemble. France rather t an America?—Still, however, I cannot join those, who are disposed to throw so much odium, and, indeed, all the odium, upon the Bank Directors; or those who make bank notes; and my correspondent A. R. whose letter will be found in p. 193 (and which letter I beg leave to recommend to the perusal of the reader), must excuse me if I continue to entertain great doubts upon a point, with regard to which he appears to be so decided. His letter will be perceived to refer to the disapprobation, which was expressed in the present Volume, p. 122, of any attempt to raise a clamcur against the bank directors of either England or Ireland, as being the authors of the depreciation of the paper-money. I, at the same time, expressed my doubts as to the reality of the apparent profits which the bank companies were said to derive from what is called restriction law; and, I gave it as my opinion, that the source of the evil of depreciation was not to be found without going much higher than the makers and venders of paper money.—This my correspondent has construed into a mark of “tender anxiety," on ny part, for the reputation of the bank direc.ors, at which he supposes those directors will be much surprised, seeing that I have so zealously laboured to prove the depreciation of their money. Why they should be surprised I know not; and I am still more at a loss to discover any inconsistency in disapproving of a clamour against the bank directors while I contend for the degradation of the paper which they issue ; knowing, as I do, and insisting, as I constantly have, that the origin of the evil lies with the government, and not with the bank directors. “It would.” says A. R. “be a waste of time to prove “ that the evils arise from the bank restriction “ bill.” Indeed but it would not. I can speak for myself at least; and I should be very glad to see it proved, that the bank restriction bill was the source of the evils now so severely felt. “Is ithout," says he, “en. “ tiring into the history of the circumstances “Koei originally led to the bill, it will be “ sufficient to state, that it was past at the “ request and for the protection of the “ bank-directors and their company." But, this is precisely what I object to. I want those who write upon this subject to enter into that history; and that is the very thing that they almost all avoid. If they were to enter into it they would soon find, that the bank directors have been, and are, the mere agents of the government; that, as to their having requested the bill to be passed for their protection, it was a request which they must have made in consequence of an understanding with the minister, who was convinced, that, if the bill was not passed, the whole paper fabrick would soon be blown to atoms; and, that, if the bill and its renewals have suspended, for the space of seven years, the contracts entered into by the bank, and if this suspension be “contrary “to every principle of common honesty,” it is the ministers and the parliament, and not the bank directors to whom the mischief and the disgrace should chiefly be imputed. But, my correspondent A. R., with most of the persons who have complained of the ruinous effects of a degraded paper-money, appear, for reasons best known to themselves, to be extremely desirous to keep the ministers and their measures entirely out of sight: just as if the bank directors could, of themselves, cause a law to be passed! If this were the case, then, indeed would our situation be deplorable ! But, it is not. The ministry introduce bills, and cause them to be passed; and, if those bills militate against “every “ principle of common honesty,” whose fault is it? The truth is, no one can be ignorant that the evil originated with the minister, but every one finds it safer to attack the Bank than the Treasury. As to the profits which the Bank is said to derive from the restriction, from the issuing of dollars, and from being placed in a situation where they must betray either their own interests or those of the public, the blame rests not with the bank, but with those who placed it in such a situation. Upon this point, however, I must observe, that my correspondent has not dealt very candidly with me; for, he will remember, that I was far from speaking positively as to the profits of the bank. I did, indeed, express my doubts respecting the reality of those profits, and wished for more information upon the subject, but of this I must say my correspondent has afforded me but little. The fact of the bonuses and high dividends is by no means sufficient to convince me, that the trade of bauking is more profitable now than formerly. It is a very great error to sup, ose, that the bank is now
separate from the government, and that its capital consists in specie, or in lands, houses, and goods. Its capital consists, for the far greater part, in three per cent. consolidated annuities; that is to say in government stock; that is to say in part of the national debt; that is to say in the interest paid quarterly upon about twelve millions of that debt. Now, supposing the bank company to have deposited these twelve millions in 1780; that the far greater part was deposited before that time every body knows; but supposing the whole to have been deposited then, the interest upon it, according to Mr. Pitt's own declaration, has depreciated in value 60 per centum ; and, therefore, supposing the bank companies in both countries to divide 74 per centum per annum, their interest yet falls short of what it ought to be. They have, indeed, better fare than other public creditors; but, because others are in the high road to ruin, is that a reason why the bank companies should follow them, particularly when they have their choice? I may be mistaken here; I speak not positively as to either the principle or the degree; but, I repeat it, that I have yet seen nothing to convince me, that the depreciation of paper-money is, in its progress (to say nothing of its obvious ultimate effects), at all favourable to the interests of the bank directors or their constituents. When my correspondent talks about the “forty mil“ lions of guineas" which the fiends of the bank say they have in their coffers, he must be jesting. It was only Lord Hawkesbury (upon the authority of Mr. Rose) who said, that there were forty millions of guineas; and, to do him justice, he did not say, that they were in the coffers of the bank, but in the kingdom, a large space to be sure, but which does not at this time contain a miliion of guineas, those in the coffers of the bank included. In lamenting the fatal consequences of the paper-money system I sincerely join with A. R. They are dreadful in a hundred different ways, but in none more so than in the increase of criminal prosecutions and of sentences of death. Volu NT FERs of MAN chest E R AND KNAREs Bo Rou GH.--—At the former of these places the officers of a great part of the persons embodied under the name of Volunteers have resigned their commissions, because the precedence was given by government to an officer of another corps; and, in consequence of that resignation, the men have also resigned, or, in the language of the army, have thrown down their artns. The grounds of this dispute are not worth stating; who was right or who was wrong amongst Lord Hawkesbury and a parcel of empty coxcombs of manufacturers, whom the imbecility of government had dressed up in swords and red coats, is of no earthly consequence; but, it is of some consequence, that all the world (and our enemy amongst the rest) is now officially informed, that both the officers and men of those corps, on whom our Sovereign has been advised to place his principal reliance, can and will and do resign whenever they please, and that too in whole bodies, at a moment moreover when they are assured by the ministerial press, that “the grand attempt" is about to be made; and, if they do not believe the assurance it is strange, for this is about the hundredth time that it has been given them. Military officers resigning is a new idea. Soldiers, whether bearing commissions or not, are under the King's command. They cannot resign. They cannot quit the service till he gives then, leave. Resigning too in the midst of war; and, they themselves believe, or pretend to believe, in a time of great public danger | The point of honour consists, with these citizen soldiers, of a new set of motions. Yet, I'll warrant, that there is not one of these pretended Lieutenant Colonels, who would not command a major in the regular army, a man who has, perhaps, been forty of fifty years in the service; who has been abroad ten or fifteen years at least, and who has lived not less than a year or two upon the sea! If it is not a shame and a scandal that such a man should be so commanded, that such a man should be coin pelled to pull off his hat and receive orders, orders on military matters, orders how to move his own regiment perhaps, from a hair dresser or a cotton weaver; why then there is neither shame nor scandal in the world ! At Knaresborough the citizen soldiers “our “ gallant defenders” (that's the phrase) have just given a gentle hint of what they are able to do in the way of electioneering. A brief account of the transaction having appeared in the public papers, it will, in order to avoid a charge of exaggeration, be best to copy it. It appears in the form of , a letter, dated 30th July. “This morning “ was fixed for the Election of a Member of * Parliament for this town, in the room of “ the Honourable W. Cavendish. About .* eleven o'clock the Bailiffs, attended by Sir “ John Ingleby and two other magistrates, “ together with a number of constables, “ proceeded towards the Court Roon, ** where the elections are held ; and, on “ their arrival there, they found a very “ large mob of people assembled, who had “, taken possession of the stairs to the Court
Room, so that it was impossible for the bailiffs to get into the same. This mob was headed by an attorney, supported by “an officer and several volunteers of the town, who insulted and pelted the magistrates “ and one of the returning officers, took the “ staves from the constables, knocked them down, and also several of the electors, and “ destroyed their cloaths. They dragged one of the constables to the waterside, and threatened to drown him. The bai“ liffs and magistrates finding it impossible “ to get into the Court Room returned “ home, and, we understand, have made a “ special return of those proceedings to the “ sheriff, which, I suppose, will be laid before Parliament and the courts of justice. “ A more flagrant violation of election was “ never witnessed. This borough, you know, is a burgage tenure borough, in which the family of Cavendish have considerable interest; whose liberality to the poor has been frequently witnessed; and on raising the Volunteer Corps, the Duke of Devonshire very handsomely subscribed 2001. and I am sorry to say, many of the “ volunteers were among the mob " What glorious feats we shall see performed, if " our gallant defenders" should remain em. bodied till a general election comes, or, which is rather more dangerous, till the quartern loaf rises again to eighteen pence 1 Then it is that we shall smart for the projects of Mr. Pitt ; and, what will astonish him, the Wo: lunteers will hate him more than any other man in the kingdom, his grand scheme therein producing a political effect precisely the contrary of that which he expects from it.—The letter from Yorkshire, quoted in the present Volume, p. 117, respecting the hanging and shooting of Mr. Lascelles in effigy, appears to have been perfectly correct. It is noticed in the Leeds newspaper of the 4th of August, the editor of which endeavours so to colour the transaction as to make my apprehensions appear groundleś. They may be so, and I wish they may with all my heart; but I must acknowledge that they have not been lessened by his stating: that “ only eight villages" were concerne in the outrage; and that, in many places, “ the arms consisted chiefly of pistols with “ out locks and stable-door keys with home. “ spun touch-holes." The fact, as state by me, neither is nor can be denied ; and, the honest, “ too honest” Yorkshirenien 9 Mr. Wilberforce may be assured, that their palliations will not prevent people foo making the proper comment.— The affa" at Chester was a trifle too. Every freak of the Volunteers is a trifle. Not that wo
g 4. 4.