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able necessity. If you say he may, perhaps, fall on some other method of procuring a livelihood, that may easily be prevented by an act of Assembly, prohibiting negroes from carrying on any sort of traffic what.. ever, and from begging. And as to their leaving the Island, that may also be prohited by a similar edict. Now, in regard to indemnifying the planters, that might be effected by a donation from our government, and a British subscription, which I have no doubt would be very liberal, from the ardent wish millions of our countrymen have to see an end put to so infamous and detestable a traffic. As to the planters being obliged to give them wages, there is no necessity that they should be very high, from the Negroes being obliged to serve as I have shown above. They might, therefore, be very small; in which case, I am fully convinced, that whatever additional expense would fall on the master in consequence of his paying wages over and above what his slaves would have cost him as slaves, (which is all that can be reckoned) would be so very -trifling, as to be more than defrayed by the -saving arising from the planters being 1.0 longer obliged to purchase them from importers, nor to import them themselves. As I see no reason why Negroes, if used as British servants are, should not marry and propagate as they do; and thereby afford the requisite number of servants, and preserve the race undiminished. It may perhaps, be alleged, that it would be attended with extreme danger, granting so many thousand Negroes their liberty at once; as it might raise an insurrection among them, and they massacre the whites. But, surely this fear is ungrounded in the first place, what farther means of rising would they have? Cannot arms be kept from them as well as ever? Cannot they be hindered from clubbing seditiouslyas the British commonality are? And in the next place, would they not have far less occasion for doing so than at present? No longer would they have their liberty to fight for; no longer would they have the merciless whips of their overseers to fight against; while moreover, their lives would be endeared to them by enjoyment, their masters by gratitude, and they would be afraid to risk an insurrection; lest, faring like the infatuated Emmet, they should leave their wives and children a prey to indigence, and all its consequent evils. If it is said there are few or no negro women in our West-Indian colonies; let the slave trade be carried on for another 6 or 12 months, and none but women be imported, and that evil would be remedied. I could now launch

out, and take a more pleasant view of the subject, by enumerating the many happy consequent attendants on emancipation, both to our own country, and the unhappy victims of our avarice; such as wiping off the odium of the traffic in a great measure from ourselves, and calling down the blessings of Providence on our colonies, and on the parent states: two things unquestionably of very desirable import. And procuring to them liberty, with all its train of blessings; blessings, which like health and innocence, can never be sufficiently appreciated by any but those who have felt the want of them. But, on this (besides my want of room) I think it needless to enlarge, as every philanthropist must anticipate them, and you among others; I would now attempt convincing you that the blood of a British peasant's daughter is not contaminated by intermingling with that of a Sun burned African: but, as I have already trespassed on your patience, I shall bid adieu to the subject at present, in hopes you will honour this with a place in your valuable and patriotic Register, and oblige your most obedient servant, &c. AMICUS AD JUSTITIAM ET HUMANI

TATEM.

Perth, July 23, 1904.

PUBLIC PAPERS.

Protest of Louis XVIII. Dated Warsaw, June 6.1804. Extracted from the French Offi

cial Paper, the Moniteur.

In assuming the title of Emperor, and attempting to render it hereditary in his family, Buonaparté has put the seal to his usurpation.

This new act of revolution, where every thing from its origin has been null and void, cannot weaken my rights; but being accountable for my conduct to all Sovereigns, whose rights are not less injured than mine, and whose thrones are shaken by the dangerous principles which the Senate of Paris has dared to publish-accountable to France, to my family, and to my own honour, I should consider myself as betraying the common cause, were I to keep silence on this occasion. I declare, then, after having renewed my protestations against all the illegal acts, which, from the opening of the States General of France, have led to the

alarming crisis in which France an 1 Europe are now involved-I declare, in the presence of all the Sovereigns, that, far from acknowledging the Imperial title that Buonaparté has received from a body which has not a legitimate existence, I protest as well against that title as all the subsequent acts to which it may give birth.

Verbal Declaration of the Minister of the Elector of Baden, made at the Diet of Ratisbon, July 2, 1804.

Baden, suitable to the importance of its contents and the subject to which it relates. In the mean-time it believes, froin the known sentiments of his Prussian Majesty, that it may with certainty be expected, that his Majesty will find a consolation in the decla ration of the Elector of Baden, relative to the explanations on the occurrence in question, as being such as are suitable to the sentiments of the French Government and its exalted head, towards the Empire of Germany, as evinced in the late mediation of peace; and that his Majesty will give his approbation to the wish of his Electoral Highness of Baden, and the motives on which

it is founded.

His Electoral Highness of Baden, while he honours the pure intentions of his Russian Imperial Majesty in the representation which he laid before the Diet of the Empire on the 6th of May, and is penetrated with the liveliest gratitude for the be:ievolent friendship which his Majesty has manifested for himself and his Electoral House, cannot suppress his profound grief that the occurrence in question, which took place in his territory, should be likely to produce disagreeable differences that may be productive of the most dangerous consequences to the peace of Germany.This important consideration, added to a full confidence in the well-intentioned sentiments of the French Government and its exalted head, towards the whole German Empire, so lately evinced in the mediation of peace, and in the explanations, perfectly suitable to these sentiments, of the occurrence in question, his Electoral Highness cannot but most earnestly wish that the representations made to the Diet on the 6th and 14th of May, may have no farther consequences, and that thus the present anxiety may be dispelled, sincerity of the German Empire, which have been otherwise the tranquillity and welfare of the German Empire, and probably indeed of all Europe, may be again disturbed and endan gered.

Verbal Declaration of the Deputy for the
Electorate of Bohemia and Archduchy of
Austria. Dated July 6, 1804.

The Austrian Comitial Legation at the time fixed for the consideration of the Imperial Russian Note, repeated the circular declaration of the 14th of May, in expectation of a satisfactory explanation on the occurrence in question, and will now immediately communicate to its high Court the wish of the Electorate of Baden, and the motives on which it is founded, in certain expectation that his Imperial Majesty will receive the proposition of his Electoral Highness of Baden, and the explanations of the French Government relative to the above-mentioned occurrence with all that attention which he constantly bestows on every event which may conduce to disturb the tranquillity, security, and welfare of the German Empire.

Verbal Declaration of the Comitial Legation of the Electorate of Brandenburg. Dated July 6, 1804.

The Legation for Brandenburg will hasten to make report of the verbal declatation of the Deputy of the Electorate of

Vote of Hanover in the Deliberations at the
Dict of Ratisbon, relative to the Russian
Note concerning the seizure of the Duke
d'Engbien.--Dated Ratisbon, July 21,

1804.

His Britannic Majesty and Electoral Highness of Brunswick Lunenburg, has observed with the most grateful approbation the part taken by his Imperial Russian Ma jesty for the maintenance of the rights of na❤ tions, the peace of Luneville, and the secu

violated in the most extraordinary and alarm. ing manner, by the late proceedings of the French Government in the Territory of the Electorate of Baden; and the strong repres sentation he has made on these occurrences to the Diet of the Empire, in the Note given in by his Legation at Ratisbon on the 6th of May,, of the present year. As his Britan nic Majesty and Electoral Highness of Brunswick Luneuburg, fully coincides in opinion on this subject with his Imperial Russian Majesty, he makes no delay to propose and support with all his votes, that his Imperial Russian Majesty may be requested by an act of the Diet, to take such measures as in his wisdom he may judge proper, to obtain for the German Empire from the French Government, satisfactory explanations with respect to the past, and sufficient security for the future. As, however, a much more important and more dangerous violation of the rights of nations, the treaty of Luneville, and the security of the German Empire, was committed by the hostile invasion, and still continued occupation and oppression of his Majesty's German States, by the French Government, in total disregard of the Germanic constitution and independence, his Majesty cannot but fe mind and refer his high co-estates to the declarations he has already caused to be

.

made on that subject by his comitial legation on the 22d of August of the preceding year, and on the 25th of last month.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS. Speeches of bis Majesty and the Speaker of the House of Commons, on Tuesday 31, July, 1804, when the Parliament was prorogued to the 4th of September, 1804.

SPEAKER'S SPEECH.-Most Gracious Sovereign,--We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain and Ireland in Parhament assembled, approach the foot of your Majesty's Throne, with sentiments of unfeigned joy and reverence. The bill which I hold in my hand, completes the supplies for the present year. These, Sire, we have appropriated to the further support of your Majesty's household, and the honour and dignity of your Crown, to the naval and military defence of the realm, and to the various services of your extended em#pire. In providing for these grants, large in their amount, and commensurate with the extraordinary demands of the times in which we live, we have nevertheless steadily persevered in our former course by raising a large proportion of our supplies within the year; and we have now the proud satisfaction to see, that the perma nent debt of the state is rapidly diminishing, at the same time that the growing pros perity of the country has strengthened and multiplied all its resources. Contemplating the war in which we are engaged, the character and the means of our enemy, and the possible duration of the contest, although we are fearless of its issue, we have nevertheless deemed it our indispensible duty to deliberate with unremitting solicitude upon the best system for our military defence: and the voluntary spirit of your people, seconding the views of Parliament, has at the same time animated all ranks of men with an active desire of attaining to such a state of discipline in arms as may enable them successfully to co-operate with your Majesty's regular and veteran forces. Thus formidably armed, and powerfully sustained, we trust that, with the blessing of God, we shall victoriously maintain your Majesty's Throne, and transmit unimpaired to our descendents the most perfect form of government which the world has ever experienced for the practical happiness of mankind; firmly persuaded, that this Empire will long outlast the storms which have overwhelmed the Continent of Europe; and earnestly hoping that other nations now

fallen, may witness the destruction of a tyranny founded on traud and violence, and cemented with innocent blood, and again recover their ancient power and indepen. dence as the best guarantees for the future welfare and tranquillity of the civilized world. The bill which I have to present your Majesty, is intituled: "An Act for

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granting to his Majesty a certain sum of money, out of the Consolidated Fund of "Great Britain, and for applying a certain "Sum of Money, therein mentioned, for "the service of Great Britain, for the year "one thousand eight hundred and four, "and for further appropriating the supplies "granted in this session of Parliament." "To which your Commcns, with all humi

lity, entreat your Majesty's Royal As"sent," The Royal Assent having been given to this bill, his Majesty was pleased to make the following most gracious Speech from the Throne.

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,- - Before I put an end to the present session of Pare liament, I am desirous of expressing my entire approbation of the zeal and assiduity with which you have applied yourselves to the great objects of public concern which have come under your consideration. You have wisely continued to direct your attention to the encouragement and improvement of that respectable and powerful volunteer force, which the ardour and spirit of my subjects have enabled me to establish, to an extent hitherto unexampled. You have at the same time endeavoured to combine an additional establishment for our domestic defence, with the means of augmenting our regular army, and of maintaining it on such a scale as may be proportioned to the circumstances of the times, and to the rank which this country ought ever to hold among the powers of Europe. GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,—— - You are entitled to my warmest acknowledgments for the fresh proof which you have given me of your constant and affectionate attachment to my person and family, and your regard to the honour and dignity of my Crown, by the liberal provision which you have made for the payment of the debt on my civil list revenues, and for furnishing me with the additional means of defraying the increase which has unavoidably taken place in different branches of my expenditure. I must also return you my warmest thanks for the extensive provision which you have made for the exigencies of the public service, and especially for the just and prudent attention which you have shewn to true economy, and

to the permanent credit and welfare of the country, by the great exertions you have made for preventing, as far as possible, the accumulation of debt, and for raising so large a proportion of the expenses of the war within the year.--MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, I have now only to recommend to you to carry into your respective courties the same zeal for the public interest which has guided all your proceedings. It will be your particular duty to inculcate on the minds of all classes of my subjects, that the preservation of all that is most dear to them requires the continuance of their unremitted exertions for the national defence. The preparations which the enemy has long been forming, for the declared purpose of invading this kingdom, are daily augmented, and the attempt appears to have been delayed only with the view of procuring additional means for carrying it into execution. Rely. ing on the skill, valour, and discipline of my naval and military force, aided by the voluntary zeal and native courage of my people, I look with confidence to the issue of this great conflict, and I doubt not that it will terminate, under the blessing of Providence, not only in repelling the danger of the moment, but in establishing, in the eyes of foreign nations, the security of this country, on a basis never to be shaken. In addition to this first and great object, I entertain the animating hope, that the benefit to be derived from our successful exertions will not be confined within ourselves-but that by their example and their consequences, they may lead to the re-establishment of such a system in Europe as may rescue it from the precarious state to which it is reduced, and may finally raise an effectual barrier against the unbounded schemes of aggrandizement and ambition which threaten every independent nation that yet remains on the Continent.

Then the Lord Chancellor, by his Majesty's command, said,-MY LORDS AND GENLEMEN,It is his Majesty's Royal will and pleasure, that this Parliament be prorogued 10 Tuesday the fourth day of September next, to be then here holden; and this ParJiament is accordingly prorogued to Tuesday the fourth day of September next.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. THE CONTINENT, instead of affording any prospect of being "roused by our glorious example," admitting us to have given any such example, seems resolved not to stir. And, indeed, what should it stir for? For cur preservation ? Can we expect, we,

who, according to Mr. Wilberforce's decla. ration, are" too honest to have any alliance or connexion with the powers of the Continent;" is it for us to believe that the Continent will plunge itself into war merely for the sake of making a diversion in our fa vour? Fussia holds a threatening, or, at least, an angry language, and propositions are made at the Diet of Ratisbon, aiming at a coalition against France; but, without Austria, there can be no coalition worth forming, and it is not a little curious to hear the speech express a hope of con inental co-operation, while the minister and his predecessor, however they may disagree upon other subjects, most harmoniously join in their reproaches against the Emperor of Ger many for not discharging his loan. The Vicar of Wakefield, when he wanted to get rid of the too-frequent visits of any impor tunate and disagreeable acquaintance, lent him an old great-coat or pair of boots, in consequence of which he never heard of him more. Our minister seems to have imitated the act of Doctor Primrose, upon a very large scale indeed, without recollecting the Doctor's object, which was to alienate, and not to draw closer an alliance with the party to whom his loans were made. The loan to the Emperor of Germany is serving us in the same capacity as the debt of the Americans served us. We seemed to keep the demand alive for the purpose of favouring the views of France; and thus are we acting with regard to the Imperial loan, which will never be paid, till, at least, the depreciation of our money shall have rendered the payment a mere trifle, but which will, in the mean time, effectually prevent any approaches towards an alliance between us and that power with which of all others it is our interest to be allied.-The Emperor of Russia is said to have offered Louis XVIII. a splendid establishment in his dominions, and to have given orders for the raising of two legions, one to be called the legion de Bour bon, and the other the legion d'Enghien. This may be true, though it is not very likely; and, at any rate, Louis XVIII. must be destitute of all reflexion, if the offer excites much joy or hope in his breast. He cannot but recollect the past conduct of his pretended friends, the Emperor of Russia not excepted; he cannot but remember the treatment of the French royalists in the service of England during the last war and at the last peace; and thus remembering, he will have little reason to doubt that his claims will be supported just as far as suits the interest of his supporters,

and

not one hair's breadth farther. A great and honourable coalition for the purpose of placing this prince upon the throne of his ancestors would merit the applause of the world; but, there is no man of generous sentiments, or even of common honesty, who will not reprobate any attempt to make a mere scarecrow, or at least an enfant-perdu, of the heir of a long race of kings. -The protest

of Louis XVIII which will be found in an other part of this sheet, was, for some time thought to be a forgery o the Editor of the Monteur, or of some person having control over that paper, in which it made its first appearance in print; but, it is now known to be authentic, and the publication of it in the Moniteur, may serve to show, as its publishers intended it should, the degree of that apprehension which they entertain of its effects upon the people of France or upon the world in general

THE INVASION has been again revived, and, for several days, it seemed to keep, in point of interest, nearly upon a level with the Middlesex election. Invasion has long been a state malady; appearing by fits and starts; sometimes assuming one character and sometimes another. At last, however, it seems to have settled into a sort of hemorrhage, the patients in Downing Street expectorating pale or red according to the state of their disease. For some weeks past the colour has been remarkably vivid whether proceeding from the heat of the dog-days, or from the quarrelings and fightings and riotings amongst their volunteers, it would be hard to say; but, certain it is, that the symptoms have been of a very alarming complexion for nearly a monthBuonaparté, in the mean-time, is visiting Boulogne, as it were to challenge the generalissimo of our four hundred thousand men; but this great commander has now retired from the field to the cabinet, where he is inventing projects, not for conducting an army, but for raising one, having made, at last, the wonderful discovery, that his four hundred thousand men are not sufficient to the defence of the country. A removal of the French fleet, from the inner to the outer harbour of Brest, has fortunately afforded Lord Melville an opportunity to give us a specimen of his vigilance. All is bustle and noise and dust in his department. His expresses will kill more horses than bis cannon will kill Frenchmen; and, we shall by and by find, perhaps, that, in the midst of all this show of vigilance and activity, the point the most material has been left entirely unguarded,But, only think of the

state in which we are! The circumstance of a few ships in Brest harbour having shifted their births makes a stir in all our sea-ports, and will not cost, probably, a sum far short of a hundred thousand pounds. This will, indeed, tend to augment the quantity of paper, to accelerate the depreciation of money, to reduce the real vaite of the interest on the national debt, and thus help to“ pay-off" that debt, in the way. in which, according to the notion of my Cornish opponent, the expenses of war does pay it off and, therefore, some persons may think, perhaps, that the movement in Brest harbour is a thing to be rejoiced at. If such things be good, there must be great comfort in knowing, that we are sure to have enough of them. The Emperor of the French is surrounded by men who are well able to decide upon the means of annoying us. They can distinguish, if Mr. Rose and his readers cannot, between the value of the taxes of 1792 and those of 1803: both the theory and the practice, as well as the consequences, of a d preciation of money, are familiar to them: they have seen a government, capable of resisting every other sort of attack, treating every other sort of attack with disdain, fall, almost without an effort, under the deadening influence of a depreciated paper-money, aided and abetted by a projecting minister. No: it is my decided opinion, that, while we discover a disposition to persist in our present course, we shall have no invasion; because, while we so persist, time is an enemy quite sufficient for us, and an attack on the part of the French might do them harm and us good. Why, therefore, should they run any risk to obtain that which, if we persevere in our present system, they are sure to obtain without any struggle at all? That they will finally invade us, however, I have no doubt; and, as no one can possibly be cer tain when the hour will come, very one should be prepared for the event, particularly every one capable of rendering assistance to his Majesty's forces by land or by sea. No folly, no negligence. no instances of wildness or of pertinacity in the minister will justify any want of exertion on the part of the people, who are not called upon to des fend this or that minister, but the throne of their Sovereign and their own liberties, liberties, which, though in some respects abr dged, perhaps, are yet such as are enjoyed by no other people upon the face of the earth.

THE KING'S SPEECH, which will be found in another part of this sheet, and which we must, of course, regard as a state paper written by the minister, says absolutely no

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