slaves, what have the Assembly and their constituents now to expect?

Thus far we have heard of no complaints, of no subjects of dispute, except those relative to troops; and we see, that the object of government constantly has been to quash the claim to protection maintained by the Assembly, and to throw the whole burden of the military establishment of the island upon the island itself; treating it, as to matters of protection, like a foreign state, while as to matters of trade and commerce, it is held in the tightest bonds of allegiance, not to use the harsher term of subjection. It is by no means certain, that no part of the grievances of Jamaica have arisen from that haughtiness, self sufficiency, and impatience of contradiction, which, in many instances, have been but too visible in the conduct of those having the power to produce such grievances; but, an effect far too extensive has certainly been attributed to this cause, which, in my opinion must be considered almost as nothing, when compared to the financial distresses of the mother country. This is the primary cause of all the grounds of colonial complaint. The minister never knows which way to turn him for money: any measure is welcome whereby money is to be raised, or the payment of money is to be avoided; provided always, that the said measure is in no wise connected with political and especially party views. The mind not only of the minister, but of the whole ministry, and indeed of the whole country, is kept constantly upon the stretch after objects of taxation on the one hand, and after the means of reducing our expenses on the other. Nor is this at all to be wondered at, when such is the state of our affairs, that the duration of our existence, as an independent nation, is calculated not by days and months and years, but by hundreds and thousands and millions of pounds. Hence it is that colonies are now estimated solely as sources of revenue, and not at all as out-lets for our enterprizing population, as the places of strength, as out-works to the kingdom, and as nurseries for the navy.

The first thing the colonists of Jamaica heard of the mother country after the return of a peace, which was to give abundance and ease to all his Majesty's subjects, was, an additional demand upon their purse, additional taxes upon their already impoverished estates in the island, at the same time that additional duties were here imposed upon the produce of those estates. They were reminded, exactly as the people of America were, of the vast expenses which the mother Country had been at during the long war that

had just terminated, and of the enormous load of debt that she had contracted. They answered, that they observed with regret, that whilst measures were adopted to relieve the inhabitants of the mother country from the pressure of the heaviest of their taxes (alluding to the income tax), his Majesty's loyal subjects of Jamaica, in place of participating in the general blessings of peace, were to be called on for augmented and unusual contributions, grievous in their amount and oppressive in their principle. They objected to the principle; they again asserted their unqualified right to equal protection; but, as to the burden it was now beyond their ability to bear it. In adverting to the arrangement respecting the payment of the 2,000 European troops, which arrangement was concluded in 1798, they stated that to have been a season of great prosperity, when all their staples were selling at a very high price, and when the Assembly might flatter themselves with being able to raise the necessary funds without inconvenience. But now, from causes chiefly arising from the fiscal laws and regulations of the mother country, the planters are in circumstances the very reverse of those which existed in 1791 and 1798, and are scarcely able to raise the taxes necessary for the common contingencies of their internal government, as evidently appears from the amount of their public debt, from the nature of the taxes they have had recourse to, as well as from the difficulty with which those taxes are collected, and from the great defalcations in the collections.

The origin of this distress is dated from the year 1799, when the minister conceived, and attempted to execute, the project of making the foreign consumer of West-India produce pay duties thereon into the Exchequer of Great-Britain. Previous to this most impolitic measure, West - India produce brought into British ports, whither, indeed, it was all obliged to be brought, was allowed to be exported to foreign countries, and, in case of such exportation, was allowed a' drawback and bounty. By the new regulation these encouragements to exportation were withdrawn, upon the erroneous notion, that, as we had made a monopoly of WestIndia produce, and as foreigners would have the produce, they must have it from us, cost what it would, and that the amount of the former drawback and bounty would, at last, fall upon them. The error was not long in becoming apparent. A sudden stagnation of the trade ensued. The consumption and demand in Great-Britain bore no proportion to the quantity imported; and, the conser

quent depression of the price threatened the planters with utter ruin. The measure was, indeed, soon abandoned; but short as was the time of its existence, its effects have been durable. The minister was right in supposing that foreigners would still have West-India produce, but he was egregiously deceived as to the concluding part of his proposition; for it required but a very little time to demonstrate, that they were not compelled to have it from us loaded with British duties. They received it through other channels; other colonies and other carriers obtained a preference, undersold us in all the markets of the Continent, and the effect of the diversion is severely felt to this day. The change which was expected, when the evil was admitted and the remedy applied, was slow and fluctuating: the Assembly state, in their last answer to the Governor, that their agriculture and commerce have never recovered from the shock; and they aver, that in place of contributing "only a share of the general expenses of "the empire, in the proportion of their net revenue, the sugar planters of this island "have, for the last four years, had nearly "their whole income torn from them, by "duties which cannot even be alleged to "fall upon the consumer, when nothing is " left to the grower for labour or capital."

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As if, however, the West India colonies and colonists were in too flourishing a state; as if there had been in the market an alarming scarcity of their produce; and as if we had entertained serious apprehensions that our mercantile marine and our seamen would become too numerous; as if evils and fears of this sort had assailed us, the minister eagerly adopted the suggestions of those speculative or interested persons, who recommended measures calculated to encourage the transfer of British capital for the cultivation of sugar in the East-Indies, thereby depriving, as far as in him lay, the West-India planters of all prospect of any favourable change; for supposing an addition to the quantity of produce to have been wanted, he left them no fair competition with the East-India planters, who are free fron almost all the numerous shackles by which the operations of the West-Indian are checked, and particularly from the compulsory and inflexible regulation as to the destination of his produce, the planters in the East-Indies being at perfect liberty to ship theirs to any market in the world, and that, too, in the vessels of any nation.

In the mean-time the British duties upon West-India produce, speaking particularly of the two principal articles sugar and rum,

have grown to such a magnitude, have been in some respects so injudiciously imposed, at the same time that the commodities have been so cruelly deprived of the preference and protection which the law formerly afforded them in the markets of the mother country, that the planters are threatened with nothing short of absolute ruin. The answer given, in Parliament, by Mr. Addington, to those who remonstrated against these erroneous duties, was, that all duties finally fell upon the consumer. Where duties amount to a prohibition, they certainly do not thus fall: they are, in that case, never collected, and they evidently injure the grower without benefiting any body. Where the duties do not amount to a prohibition, but diminish the consumption, they injure the grower in proportion to the quantity of the dimination. That a very considerable diminution in the consumption, both foreign and domestic, has taken place, in the articles of West-India produce, is clearly established by facts; but, such facts are not necessary to prove, that the present duties are of a ruinous tendency to the planter, who may be completely beggared by them, without their producing any diminution whatever in the quantity of produce consumed, and though the full amount of them should finally fall upon the consumer, as will evidently appear from facts which will hereafier be stated, and which cannot be denied.

But, previous to the making this statement, it is necessary to hear that of the planters themselves. Before the year 1803, the duty upon West-India sugar was 20s. per cwt. In that year Mr. Addington laid on an additional duty of 4s. per cwt. with a proportionate addition to the duty upon rum. On that occasion there was a meeting of the West-India planters and merchants, held on the 24th of June, 1803, at which meeting the following resolutions were agreed to, and were afterwards printed and circulated. "I. That experience has proved that a duty "of 20s. per cwt. upon all British planta"tion sugar, however productive and en "durable under the circumstances of high

prices, adequate drawbacks and bounties, "and an uninterrupted communication with "the continental markets, is yet, under a

per cwt. to the disproportionate tax of "20s. per cwt. already laid upon sugar, "must be productive to the revenue only in "that degree in which it may add to the "burthen, already too heavy, upon the

planter; but is moreover likely to defeat, "in many instances, its own purpose, by "causing an absolute abandonment of the "article, which at great expense and labour "has been produced, rather than incur the "additional expenses of freight, duty, and "charges, upon it.-III. That this must 66 more particularly apply to the lower qua"lities of sugar, the inevitable production of "certain soils, the nature of which cannot "be changed by the labour and skill of the "cultivator, and which, consistently with "the colonial system of Great Britain, must be shipped to Europe, from the planta"tions, without being refined, but which

are almost wholly dependent for con"sumption upon foreign markets, by re"shipment from hence either in their raw "or refined state. That a tax of 24s. per "cwt. upon sugar of this description (un. " accompanied with a free access to the "Continent for the vent both of raw and "refined sugar) is, in the strictest sense of "the word, a prohibition of the import of "that which forms the staple article of a

great part of the British West India co"lonies.-IV. That, on this ground, it hav"ing been recommended to his Majesty's

ministers to levy any additional tax upon "an ad valorem principle, as applied to the "respective qualities of sugar, since its "burthen might so fall the less heavy upon "that description of the article which is al"ready suffering by the mode of levying "the existing duty, this meeting is con"cerned to find that official obstacles, (the "validity of which has not been demon. "strated, and the reasonable foundation for "which may be doubted since the mode of "sampling and selling sugars at the out"ports has been also adopted at the port of "London.) have been considered by his "Majesty's ministers as sufficient to prevent "the adoption, in this particular instance, "of a principle, the justice of which they

compelled to submit to the British Par"lianient their whole case; trusting that "the Legislature will not treat with indif"ference the certain prospect of the decay "of those possessions which, from their in"sufar situation, are most securely attached to the fortunes of this country, which "take from her all they consume, and re"turn all their acquisitions into her bosom, "and to which Britain more peculiarly owes "her maritime pre-eminence, the safeguard "of all her wealth, power, and indepen "dence."

The statements in these resolutions are far from being exaggerated. They are a fair representation of the state of the WestIndia planters at the time when the 43. additional duty on sugar, indiscriminately, was imposed. By referring to the Register, Vol. V. p. 539, the reader will find a very able arithmetical statement proving, beyond all contradiction, that the complaints of the

Assembly of Jamaica and of the planters in London are well founded, as far, at least, as those complaints relate to the amount and effect of duties. Nevertheless, when new taxes came to be imposed again this year, sugar and rum seem to have been the first objects that presented themselves to the minister. The representations of the planters, and, which was more, their evident decay, had produced no effect. He again told the Parliament, that the addition now proposed would fall upon the consumer, and that, too, at the very moment when his partisans were eulogizing him for "his tenderness towards "the people in the selection of his new "taxes," which, they added, would "fall "almost exclusively upon the rich." When these further additional duties were proposed, a committee of West-India planters and merchants drew up and printed the following resolutions, dated May 3, 1804. In presenting documents of this sort to the public, I am aware that it will be said of them, that they are the representations of one party only, and that party deeply interested. But the same may be said of all petitions, remonstrances, and of complaints whatever form they may assume. Though they do come from one party only, and a deeply interested party, we are bound to give credit to them, unless they are, after a reasonable time, contradicted by the other party. It will be said, perhaps, that the ministers have something else to do than to enter into a dispute with committees of West-India planters. They have, indeed, enough upon their hands; but, were it in their power to refute the statements of the West India planters, they would certainly lose no time in doing it; for the complaints of these people are by no means to be stifled; they are steadily urging their way forward; and they must, at a time not very distant, come before the legislature, where, if some redress be not previously afforded, it will be impossible for the minister to justify his conduct. The resolutions above-mentioned were as follows: "I. That the proposed "addition of 12 per cent. on customs generally, implying an addition of 3s. per "cwt. to the already enormous duty of 24s. per cwt. upon sugar, and also increasing the duty on rum, which has al"ready risen to a height that has very con"" siderably impeded its sale, are calculated "to fill with alarm those whose existence "depends upon the producing of those arti"cles.--II. That recent experience will "sufficiently prove, that the usual provi· "sions of drawbacks and bounties do not secure to the planters in the British colo

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"nies a market for that part of their pro"duce which is not consumed in Great"Britain and Ireland, which surplus pro"duce they are compelled by law to send "to Great-Britain and Ireland, and there"fore they are not enabled to raise from "the consumer the taxes which are from "time to time imposed upon their pro"duce. III. That at the time when the ' "heavy additional duties of last year were imposed upon sugar and rum, the cur"rent prices of those articles at the British "market were far short of such as are barely sufficient to enable the British planters to meet the expenses, which in every point of their intercourse with the "mother country have necessarily accumu"lated upon them, notwithstanding which "the average prices of the past year, cal"culated on the quantities sold, instead of

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bearing some proportion to the new and "considerable war charges which have re"cently occurred, have not even been in, "creased in proportion to those taxes, which "it is evident, therefore, have fallen on the "shoulders of those who are already too "heavily burthened, and not upon the consumer. IV. That to increase this bur"then at the present time, with no prospect that the result will turn out other"wise than it has done in the preceding year, is to impress upon the West-India "planters a conviction that they are con"demned to persist in a cultivation, which "instead of affording a reasonable compen"sation for their labours entails on them from

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That these resolutions were communicated to Mr. Addington there can be no doubt: what were the remarks, if any, made there. on by that statesman and financier educated in the profound school of Mr. Pitt, we have no means of ascertaining; but, one thing we know, and that is, that the representations of the planters had no practical effect, the proposed additional duty being immediately afterwards imposed; nor is it by any means improbable, that, in the next year's budget, sugar and rum may again make a conspicuous figure, Mr. Pitt having, since his return to power, sufficiently demonstrated his intention to persevere in his former measures, those measures from the adoption of which the West India planters date the commencement of their ruin. The language of exaggeration is but too often employed in the description of distress; but, that there is much truth in the description which the planters have given of their situation every one must believe. In the first place there is a sort of pride which prevents bodies of men as well as individuals from beginning to complain of their poverty. The planters of Jamaica have not uniformly complained of the duties laid upon their produce: when they do complain, therefore, and so grieviously too, who can doubt that they severely feel the hardships of which they complain? Besides, the complaint comes not merely from a body of planters and merchants, but from the Legislative Assembly of the Island of Jamaica; and it is not for a moment to be supposed, that any representation, which was not substantially founded in fact, could issue from such a quarter. A very material circumstance, too, is, that no refutation has ever been attempted. The ministry at home, if they declined the task themselves, have pens enough at their command, and are usually sufficiently eager to employ them. The pen of that prince of tax-gatherers, Mr. Lowndes, who writes you a thick octavo volume by way of " exposition" to a single tax bill, it might, indeed, not have been very wise to put in motion against the pithy productions of the West India complainants; but, there were pens in plenty of another description, and the not having employed any one of them upon the subject must be regarded as strong circumstantial proof that the statements of the planters were unanswerable. The governor of Jamaica was upon the spot : he had the materials for contradiction, if they existed at all, before his eyes: if we could, for a moment, believe it likely for the Assembly, in their answer to him, to make a

which did not exist, is it not utterly incredible that he, who was so zealous in the cause of the ministry, should have passed over that appeal in total silence? The pecuniary distresses of the colony, that is to say of the planters, arising in great part from the heavy duties imposed upon their produce, were, we must remember, urged as amongst the principal reasons for the Assembly's not yielding to the request of the ministry, made through the governor: and, if those pecuniary distresses had not been real and even visible and notorious; nay, had it not, moreover, been a well-known and an acknowledged fact, that they had arisen from the very causes assigned by the Assembly, can it possibly be imagined, that no reply whatever would have been made by the governor to those reasons? Governors of colonies are not, upon such occasions, much disposed, either by the nature of their offices or their future prospects, to desist from the adducing of any fact or argument that may favour the views of the ministry at home. They have always at their command the talents of lawyers generally animated by a spirit in perfect unison with their own. And, as in the case of diplomatic agents treating with an hostile, or, at least, rival power, theit merit is usually measured by the concessions and advantages they succeed in obtaining. It is, therefore, I repeat it, utterly incredible, that the governor of Jamaica should not have attempted a refutation of the state. ments on which the complaints of the colo nists were founded, if those statements had not been such as to have admitted of no refutation. But, indeed, reasoning upon this subject is rendered unnecessary by facts which are but too well known in this country, amongst all those who have any knowledge of the state of the West India trade. Reference has already been made to an authentic paper showing the amount of the losses now and of late years sustained by those whose produce consists of sugar: that those who are the owners of rum are in no better, but even in a much worse situation, will appear from a very concise description of the state of that other chief article of West India produce. The amount of the present duty upon rum per gallon is rather more than 12s. I will not speak to a penny, but I venture to state it at 12s. 4d. per gallon. This rum now sells, and has sold for some time back, at not more than 13s. 6d. and, upon an average, perhaps, at not more than 13s. The difference, then, is the whole value of the gallon of rum, after the duties upon it are paid! "Impossible!" exclaims