"It cannot be fuppofed, that any country would colonize or fend, protect and fupport people in diftant countries, for a great length of time, and at a vaft expence, if it was expected thefe colonies would, as foon as opportunity offered, and they could do without the parentcountry's protection, repay all her kindnefs by looking on themfelves as an original and independent people-Nor fhould it be imagined, that the legislature of the Mother-country, fhould have an uncontroulable, unlimited power, over the property of the colonifts. The line certainly fhould, and may be drawn fo, as to be advantageous to, and anfwer what ought to be the real interests of both." On the feveral points by which fuch line may be drawn, our Effayift expatiates in this and the following Section; defcanting particularly on the Newfoundland and Northern Fisheries, and the regulations of the Colony corn trade. In Sect. 5. Our author examines into the probable caufes and great impolicy of the American infurrection *. On this fubject he speaks with much moderation and good fenfe; fteering a mean courfe between the partizans of the Colonies and thofe of the Mother Country. "That Independency," fays he, " has been from the very beginning of the prefent difpute the defign of the American leaders, there is great reafon to believe, notwithstanding they made the tax on tea their oftenfible caufe; for at that time the body of the Americans, conscious of the eafy government under which they lived, were not ready to re ceive that doctrine, which their leaders fince, by fticking at no means, though ever fo falie, to inflame their paffions, have gradually prepared them for. That to answer their purpose they were not afhamed of aflerting untruths, is fufficiently obvious from their giving out to the multitude, that the tax on tea was an innovation and infringement of their liberties, and that the British Parliament never taxed them before; although they could not but know fome, at leaft, of the precedents just now quoted. "There was however a fecond caufe that much promoted the prefent troubles (for the information of which I am obliged to a gentleman, who refided fome time in Bofton) which was, that Mr. H-k and fome other leaders of the faction were largely concerned in fmuggling cargoes of tea from Holland, &c. which trade, fo beneficial to themfelves, the regulation on tea put a stop to, as the contraband trader had then, fuppofing his cargo bought as cheap as in England, and fuccefs On this fubject he remarks that, "The Swedish Profeffor Kalm, who travelled through thefe provinces on botanical refearches in the years 1748 and 1749, obferves, that the inhabitants of the English Colonies were growing lefs tender to their Mother-country," and after advancing their feftrictions in commerce, and the great acceffion of foreigners, who generally have no particular attachment to Old England, as reafons for their Coolness, he mentions this further one : "That many people can never be " contented, but fuffer their excels of liberty and their luxury often to lead "them into licentioufnefs." He further fays, " they informed him the "English North-American Colonies would, in the fpace of 30 or 50 years, "be able to form a state of themicives independent of Old England," VOL. VI. fully fully landed, only three-pence advantage over the fair dealer, instead of one fhilling as formerly.-Such was the difference (in favour of America) occafioned by drawing back on exportation the whole English duty, and laying on a duty in America of only three-pence per pound, in place of retaining in England one fhilling on the drawback, which was the cafe before when exported to America. This advantage to the Americans was fo much lofs to the contraband dealers, in proportion to the trade they carried on, and which trade they faw, notwithstanding they still in general, because the duty was not repealed, perfifted in their agreement for the non import of this article, would in all probability be annihilated, should the East India Company, in confequence of the act paffed for that purpose, be permitted to fell their tea in America. This determined them to prevent it, which they did in Bolton effectually, by influencing a mob, or people of fuperior condition, to difguife themfelves as Indians, go on board the ships, and throw the tea of the East India Company into the Sea. "The lofs of this contraband trade," our author obferves," being fikely to produce a fenfible diminution of profit to the before-mentioned perfons, joined with their love of independency, has been the unhappy mears of deluging their country with blood, and reducing innumerable families from affluence to diftrefs." But, fays he, very juftly, "If the laying on this duty in America, or making it payable there, was an infringement of their natural rights, certainly the retaining part of the drawback was equally fo, as the law permitted them to import none but what they bought of us. This grievance, which was one if the other be, they never complained of; and as we are neceffitated to have custom-house officers in America to collect the duties impofed for the regulation of commerce, on articles that come direct from the place of their produce, as well as for other purposes, what difference could it make to America whether the duty was collected by the officers there, or retained in England? In the latter cafe they would have to pay fo much the more for the article; which would drain their country of fpecie equally the fame, as if the duties were collected there and remitted to Britain (if the taxes were fuperior to the expences of government there, which they are not). And in either cafe, the duty, whether retained or collected, is equally for the purpose of raifing a revenue, as it could not be for the regulation of trade, the import being admitted from no where elfe, therefore the retaining of drawbacks as part of them is equally fubverfive of American liberty, as the impofition of fimikar duties there. As they did not oppofe the retaining of the duty in England, though confined to take these articles from thence, if they took them all, it plainly follows, that the duties being made payable in America could be to them no object of difpute. They had it equally in their option to refrain from importing the tea, and paying the tax, as they had before from buying it charged with the English duty. And if, in the former cafe, English refidents fent it to them contrary to their inclinations, thofe who fent it paid the tax, though collected in America. The Americans could not be faid to pay it until they pur *Their mode of fale was to have been the fame as in London, in lots by auction. chafed chafed the article on which it was laid, and this was as much in their power to refuse as before." Our Effayift proceeds next to enquire into the weight of the objections against a parent ftate poffeffing the power of laying port-duties on its Colonie, toward the maintenance of its fleets and armies for their mutual protection, and whether, by an abuse of this power, the Mother-country can hurt the intereft of her Colonies without equally affecting her own.This he determines in the negative; the whole of his argument, however, merits citation. "The principal objections I have heard urged are: "Thote who lay on the tax do not feel it; and as the produce is to be applied in aid, or to the diminution of their own taxes, will be induced to lay it too heavy; and that being improper judges, from not refiding in the country taxed, they will be liable to lay imports on improper articles. แ Admitting thefe to be true, what are the confequences? 1. It is well known the American Continental Colonies can, and do raife more provisions than they can confume; therefore the legiflative power, by taking, or even abfolutely prohibiting the import of thefe firft neceflaries of lite, cannot, as the Carthaginians fometimes did with their dependent province of Sardinia, ftarve, or in any wife affect the people. "Should it be faid they (the legislative authority) have it in their power to flarve the Wett India Ilands :-Doubtlefs; but can it be fuppofed they would be fo devoid of reason, as to tax there the neceflaries of life on importation, when the confequence would be depopu lating our most beneficial Colonies, or raifing the price of their staple commodities fo much, on the part we confume ourselves, and perhaps rendering them too dear for re-exportation to foreign markets, by which we should bring ruin on the planters, a confequent decay of trade to our own manufactures, and want of employ to our shipping? 66 2. Suppofe an exorbitant tax on tea, and the luxuries of life.Thefe being rendered dear can produce no ill effect, nor can, as being eflentially neceffary, be any detriment to the health or real happiness of thofe who would confume them; and befides, could produce no advantage to the taxers, because, by greatly leffening the confumption, the revenue would be leffened, though the tax be raifed, and fuch great inducement given to finuggling, that of the 1: fiened confumption but a fmall part would be legally imported; for whenever the probability of gain is greater than the rifque of lofs (which is always the cafe in articles of confiderable specific value, when the duty is higher than the fi:it cofi) no confideration will hinder fome men from pursuing what appears to be their intereft. And though many of these men would not defraud individuals, they think it not criminal to defraud government, which fhould reprefent the whole body of individuals in the state, becaufe fay they, and perhaps with fome degree of juice, the revenues it does receive are not all applied in the manner they ought to be; therefore why should not we come in for a fhare of the spoils ? 66 3. Should 66 3. Should a nation lay a duty on the colony import of its manu factures-the Colonists have their remedy by manufacturing for themfelves; therefore, this flate will never do unless it be on an article that can be had from, or produced no where elie; then the state has a right, if the other chufes to buy, to fell at its own price, charged with 'fuch duties as they pleafe. But even this remedies ittelr; for the Colonists have it in their option not to buy, and this they certainly will do very fparingly if raised too high by taxes: therefore the taxing power will find the difadvantage two-fold: in the first place, by letiening the produce of the tax; and in the second, by lofing the employ of their manufacturers, and confequently the taxes paid by them on the confumption of their wages; likewite, by a continuance of fuch policy, a proportionate emigration from the want of fuch employ. "Lord Chatham, and at the fame time a favourite with the Amerį. cans, was af opinion, they thould be restrained from manufacturing even for themfelves, and went to far as to affert, that the very nail of a horfe-fhoe fhould not be made in America. Now to reftrain them in manufacturing, and to re ain the power of taxing the import of what they could manufacture themselves, is to compel them to take goods at our own price, and leaves them without remedy; therefore it is incompatible with liberty, and improper, that we thould hold the power öf both abfolutely refraining their manufactures, and laying port-duties: consequently if the Parent-ftate retain the latter power, the should part with the former, as oppreffise to the Colonies, or at least (as before obferved) fo far as relates to the manufactures restrained, which is what she has hitherto uniformly done," Having thus confidered the effects of duties on imports, he difcuffes the queftion how far the Colonies can be injured by the duties on exports, "The right of prohibition," fays he," has never been denied, a Parent-itate; but it is expected, the only excercife this right in circumftances that would interfere with hertelf. Now, the export of articles or produce, the herself raifes, are evidently among thofe that interfere with her, and which he ought to enjoy folely on account of her great internal taxes, and the burthen the bears of maintaining a naval and military power to protect the whole empire. "However, thefe articles fhe may either totally prohibit, or permit the export of with fuch reftrictions, as not much to affect herfelf: and as her different Colonies lie in different climates, it is neceffary the look look on them as feparate ftates, and limit their commercial intercourfe with each other, otherwife thofe in a fimilar climate with herself, would reap all the advantage the fhould in fupplying them with her pro duce and manufactures; whereas, each Colony manufacturing for its own confumption, is as much as is confiftent with real liberty itself, and found policy in the Parent-state, In fome inftances, our legislature has guarded against the Colonies ri valing the Mother-country, in the export of manufactures, or in fupplying one colony with the manufacture of another. As "As to other articles, fhould the Mother-country clog their export with heavy duties, the confults not her own interet, and it will tall more heavily upon herself, than on the country taxed-For if she confumes the articles, it is plain the pays the taxes, as they fall ultimately on the confumer; and should the render them too dear for foreign markets, the likewife feels the ill effects, because, from having the fole carrying trade, fhe lofes the freight of those articles; and besides, as the colony imports, which go entirely through her hands, can only at the mott be equal to their exports, it is plain the deprives herself, either of fupplying them with articles of her own to fo great an amount as fhe might have done, or otherwife, of the freight of foreign commodities, with the port duties fhe might find prudent to lay upon them. 66 "From all the foregoing premifes it is apparent, that in fuch a fyftem as that of retaining the power of laying port duties only, and carrying on folely the active fea commerce (at the fame time giv ing up the reftraint on colony manufacture, or at least the right of referving any part of the excife at home, or laying any duty what"foever on the import of those articles fo restrained)" the Parent-ftate could never opprefs the Colonies without affecting herfelt more deeply; and what greater tye or fecurity can there be for her not doing it? It is the fame fecurity the non-electors (or non-voters) in Britain have, and greater cannot be had by any means whatever, If it were poffible to fettle the prefent difputes, and matters were in this manner accommodated between the claims of the parent ftate, and the pretenfions of the colonies, it would be long time before any kind of intereft or profpect of fuccefs, could induce the latter to aim at independency. "Colonies fettled on an extenfive continent, and perpetually increafing in people, till at last they become many times as populous as the parent ftate, muft, in the courfe of human events, fome time or other become independent; but, fays he, according to the propofed fyftem, one may prefume it would be at a very diftant period, and then only owing to fome great revolution in the parent state; for when exempt from all the burthen of internal taxation, except maintaining their own fubordinate, cxecutive, and civil power, and unreftrained in manufacturing for their own ufe (or where retrained, free from all home excife and duties of import) what temptation could Colonies have to wish for independence, becaufe, if effected, the confequent neceffary ettablishment of naval and military power would require an increafe of taxes, and far heavier burthens than they before endured. "Likewife as commercial Colonies (for though not enjoying the property of thips, they would ftill have merchants) they would, from the want of a navy, and the parent flate being fo very powerful at fea, be a long time prevented; for the mother-country, from carrying on both their fea commerce and her own, would, at fuch period as they were ripe for revolt, not only be able to block up all their ports, but from her immenfely numerous navy prevent the interference of any other power, |