tion. Now, he said unrestricted competi- | the subject of Free Trade to the House. tion with compensation at the expense of Well, Sir, I had to ask myself what was those who were to have the advantage of the purpose and the occasion of such a it, was no Free Trade at all. If they gave Resolution. I think that I state the genthe people Free Trade, only on condition eral opinion on this matter correctly to be, that they paid for licence to enjoy its ad- as looking to the purpose of the late dissovantages, it was not Free Trade. In con-lution, and to the verdict on the subject of clusion, he begged to observe, that it struck him that no decision could be come to with unanimity which would satisfy free-traders in the country, because the people would not believe that those who till now had been united against Free Trade, were as anxious for it as the hon. Gentlemen who composed the Manchester school.

It

free trade given by the country, that there was not explicitness enough in the Queen's Speech, or clearness enough on the part of the Government, to satisfy the opinion of the House or the country on the subject-that the verdict upon the question which the First Minister had submitted to the country should be solemnly recorded by this House. The opinion of the counMR. C. VILLIERS: I rise, Sir, in try was taken upon the question of our consequence of the call which is now made recent commercial policy, and that has upon me; but, as the old Members of this emphatically been, that this policy has House must know, I have, as having al- produced great advantages, and improved ready moved the Resolution, but small the condition of all classes, especially the discretion in dealing with it now. I was industrious classes, and that it was wise, summoned to this House to-day about half just, and beneficial. It was my object to an hour before it met, by a letter from the introduce these views into my Resolution, hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets (Sir and I have done so; I have farther done W. Clay), who said that he had some very what I believe the country has as much important communications to make to the at heart, declared that this policy should House, as well as some questions to put in be extended as well as maintained. which I might be interested; and he begged then proceeded to affirm the distinct and that I would be in my place. Well, I came, positive principle, that it was the opinion accordingly, and having heard that the of the country that it should be further object was for me to withdraw the Reso- extended and maintained, as being to the lution, I have been listening for some time interest of all classes, and the best mode to hear some reasons assigned by him or of promoting the welfare and contentment by anybody else, why I was to do so, and of the people. The Resolution so drawn accept the Resolution of the noble Lord was submitted to many Gentlemen on this the Member for Tiverton instead. Now, side for their approbation, and they conSir, I think there is no doubt that I am sidered that it was in accordance precisely the mover, though I am told that I am not with the views that ought to be expressed.. the author of this Resolution. Although I The Resolution was drawn in the spirit have not, it seems, the honour of its pa- which I have stated, and no other whatever. ternity, I have the liability of its support, That Resolution was framed for no other and that I am willing to accept and to earthly purpose but that. I had instrucvindicate. Now, Sir, my statement on tions, if I may call them so, to draw up this matter will, I am afraid, be different this Resolution, and to submit it to the from those that have preceded it, for it House. I do not deny that a great numwill be very simple. My purpose has been ber of Gentlemen did favour me by sendvery simple throughout this matter, and ing suggestions. They all embodied the that is, perhaps, why I cannot understand views which I have expressed, and seemed the new views that I hear to-night, and to have no other object but my own. why I cannot understand some Amend- had no less than ten or twelve Resolutions ments which have been proposed. On sent me, and every one of them, without this side, if I am not mistaken, there was exception, expressed an opinion that rea general agreement as to the propriety cent legislation had been wise and just. of the Motion; and my right hon. Friend venture to say it never entered the the Member for Carlisle (Sir J. Graham) mind of a human being-certainly, I venhas, in a very friendly spirit to myself, ture to say that nothing would surprise stated that there was also some propriety the public at large more than to hear that in my being the mover. It was then agreed in calling that legislation wise, just, and upon, that I was to submit a Resolution on beneficial, it was designating it by three

I

tlemen had admitted that they were mistaken in objecting to the Free-Trade policy, but are now ready to adopt it. I wish this could be explained. It was not the intention of anybody in using these words. Why is that construction to be put upon them? It must have some bearing on their ulterior projects which they do not see fit to disclose to the House. As I have before said, I proposed those Resolutions for the simple purpose of recording the opinion of the House. I believe that they express what was the opinion of the last-I believe that it is the opinion of the new-Parliament; and I believe it is the opinion of the country at large, that the recent legislation was wise, just, and beneficial; and they wish to have it so declared by their representatives. And if Gentlemen opposite did not think so before, experience ought to justify them in concluding that it is so now. I was surprised to hear the hon. Gentleman

odious epithets. The right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer has alluded to the very open way in which the proceedings of different parties in this House are communicated to each other; but I must say that there is some danger in that kind of openness, because the right hon. Gentleman has been induced by it to trust to information of the most unfounded kind. The right hon. Gentleman stated distinctly that he had it as an undoubted fact that the three odious epithets "wise, just, and beneficial," were introduced the moment after it was discovered by the Mover or his Friend that the meeting at Lord Derby's consented to acknowledge the principle of Free Trade. I acquit the right hon. Gentleman of any intentional misrepresentation; but I should not be doing justice to myself or my friends, did I not give the most complete contradiction to that statement which it is possible for me to give consistently with Parliamentary the Member for Berkshire (Mr. R. Pallanguage, because it is most undisguisedly mer) declare himself proof against expeand unequivocally untrue. My noble Friend rience. "Don't tell me,' said the hon. (Lord J. Russell) has stated to the House, Member, "about the country having flouthat, in drawing up a Resolution on the rished under Free Trade, or about expesubject several days before the meeting rience. I have been in this House for at Lord Derby's, he also inserted these twenty-five years, and during that time all offensive words. I have said that every the great men have at some time declared other Resolution that was sent to me con- against the adoption of Free Trade." Why, tained these words; and I will say, further, such a rule of action would shut out all that this Resolution that I have moved was improvement; we all of us here profit by not altered at all after the meeting in ques- experience every day, or ought to do so. I tion, it having been agreed upon before; do not deny that some Gentlemen who supand at this moment I don't know whether ported Protection may have done so from it is because I was never in diplomacy, or a conscientious but, however, erroneous that I am not in office, or that, perhaps, belief, that it was the proper policy to according to the new rule, that I am not a pursue; but why should they now hesitate gentleman, but I cannot understand what to declare that, although they believed its there is offensive in these words. I don't effects would be most disastrous to the counknow how such a construction can be put try, they find it has been just the contrary? upon them. It is the truth, and an opin- We hear much of recent and sincere converion generally formed upon experience of sions; but I own that the specimens of these the policy. If hon. Gentlemen have been kinds of conversions have not been so apin error, they must take the consequences, parent to me. If those conversions are and allow that measures that they thought genuine, it is indeed a marvel how those would be hurtful have been the contrary. words in the Resolution can be incompatA confession of error is rather humiliating, ible with the honour of Gentlemen oppoperhaps; but Gentlemen who have enjoyed site. Since this conversation began, as the very highest degree of respect in this far as I have heard, the declarations of country have not been ashamed to avow hon. Members opposite do not go beyond that they have been in error, and there is that of the hon. Gentleman the Member no reason why they should. I cannot see for the North Riding (Mr. Cayley), who what there is offensive in this Resolution, assures the House that he will never do unless there is something ulterior which again that which it is impossible for him to these words interfere with, but which I do, and restore Protection; but they don't know nothing about. Certainly, one would say they would not if they could, or that not have thought it odious that this lan- they think themselves wrong; and with guage should be applied, after hon. Gen-respect to many Gentlemen on the other

He

side, I do not think there are any passed during the debate, because a very symptoms at all of despair as to the large proportion of the leaders of parties ultimate triumph of their views. They and most prominent Members of the House admit themselves to be under difficulties at had declared that it would be the better present; but give them time, and they do course to accept the Resolution of the not at all abandon the question of Protec- noble Lord, in preference to the Resolution tion. Are we, then, to be tender about of his hon. Friend. That had been declared their consciences, or their particular posi- by the noble Lord the Member for London tion with reference to this question? and (Lord J. Russell); it had been declared in am I, in my connexion with this subject, substance by the right hon. Baronet the to consult the views of Protectionists? Member for Carlisle (Sir J. Graham), as Why, I never thought of drawing up a well as by the right hon. Gentleman the Resolution to please hon. Gentlemen op- Member for the University of Oxford (Mr. posite; I had no such intention. My Gladstone). It had been assented to by the idea was that there was a majority in right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the this House in favour of Free-Trade policy, Exchequer, and assented to, as he (Sir and a minority against it; and if the W. Clay) distinctly understood, with the Ministers of the Crown had been really addition of the words on which his hon. Free Traders, they would probably have Friend near him laid so much stress. He declared themselves so in the Speech from thought it strange that he should be asked, the Throne, or have made it quite obvious after this all but universal consent, why he to the House that they were honestly in should object to the Motion of his hon. favour of this principle. It is because Friend. He would tell him, however, why there is evidently yet a serious difference he objected to it, and why he thought it of opinion upon the success of the Free could not have the effect which his hon. Trade policy, and because the majority Friend desired and anticipated from its feel bound to declare their opinion, that I adoption. He objected to it, because, inhave proposed this Resolution, and that I stead of merely affirming the justice of a now feel bound to adhere to it as truly Free-Trade policy, it insisted on the humiand simply declaring the opinion of the liation of the large party opposite. country. (Sir W. Clay) wished, for his part, to obSIR WILLIAM CLAY said, that he tain the widest possible assent of the had been called upon to state the reasons House to a declaration that the policy of why he had asked the hon. Member for Free Trade was to be the policy of the Wolverhampton (Mr. C. Villiers) and the country. He was therefore persuaded he right hon. the Chancellor of the Ex- was doing right in endeavouring to stop chequer to withdraw their respective Mo- the debate, because it appeared to him to tions, so as to admit of the Motion tend to no useful purpose-that its only of the noble Lord the Member for Tiver- effect could be to widen existing differences tou (Viscount Palmerston) being adopted. of opinion, to embitter feelings of irritation. He would reply to that call. But, in the which we ought rather to seek to soothe and first place, he wished to set right an to allay, and thus to alienate those whose inaccuracy in the speech of his hon. union it was desirable to promote for the Friend the Member for Wolverhampton. general welfare of the country. Did his The hon. Gentleman said that he (Sir hon. Friend near him doubt his (Sir W. Clay) sent him a note half an hour W. Clay's) devotion to the principles of before the House met, in which he did Free Trade? He did not believe that any not specify the nature of the question man would venture to doubt it. Nine which he was about to put to him. On years before the year 1846, he proposed the contrary, he had himself left the note a Resolution for the repeal of the corn at twelve o'clock at a place where he laws; indeed, if he recollected rightly, his understood the hon. Gentleman's letters hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampwere generally left, and in that note he ton commenced the career in which he had told him that he would suggest that the so honourably distinguished himself by hon. Gentleman should withdraw his Mo- seconding that Resolution. His objection tion, and adopt as a substitute the Mo-to the Motion was, that it called on a tion of the noble Lord (Viscount Palmerston). Now, if he (Sir W. Clay) wanted any justification for putting that question, he should find it in what had

great party to admit, in terms, that a particular measure which they opposed, was, at the time they opposed it, "just, wise, and beneficial. That was a humiliation

discussion on an Order of the Day, instead of the Notices of Motion.

MR. BARROW said, he was ignorant of Parliamentary tactics, but he rose to prevent mistake as to any change in his opinions. He would remind the hon. Member for Manchester (Mr. Bright), that constituencies in general did not adopt the opinions of candidates, but sought candidates whose opinions coincided with their own. This had occurred in his case: he was not returned by the overwhelming power of great landowners to aid in keeping up their

which it was neither wise nor generous to attempt to force upon men of honour, and to which it could not be expected that they should submit. What was the course taken by men of good sense and kind feeling in private life? If they found persons with whom they were engaged in pursuit of some common object (and had not all the Members of that House a common object-the good of their country?), and who had formerly differed with them, disposed to agree with them in opinion, and co-operate in action, did they refuse to accept their co-operation unless they would re-rents, but because he was known to have cant every word they had ever said? The noble Lord the Member for London said that it was justifiable for the House to accept an abstract Resolution. He (Sir W. Clay) had never denied it. It was because the Motion of the hon. Member for Wolverhampton made it impossible to have as large an assent as possible that he objected to it. He wanted the abstract Resolution to be carried by the largest possible majority. The difference between the two propositions before the House was this, that one asserted simply, although in the most emphatic terms, the principles of free trade, while the other was couched in terms that inflicted a feeling of mortification upon their political opponents. This was not an occasion for the indulgence of any petty personal or party triumph. He hailed with joy the accession of the great party opposite to the ranks of Free Trade, and he was very sorry that his hon. Friend had not thought fit to accede to his proposal. If his hon. Friend persevered in his Motion, and he (Sir. W. Clay) had no choice but to vote for that Motion or the Amendment proposed by the Government, he should, although with very great regret, vote for the Motion; but if the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer withdrew his Amendment in favour of the Resolution proposed by the noble Lord the Member for Tiverton, then he should vote for the noble Lord's Resolution, in preference to the Motion of his hon. Friend.

a strong opinion as to the injuries inflicted on the farming class, who were entitled to relief from peculiar taxation as a matter of justice rather than compensation. If the change of 1846 had been injurious to them because it was hasty, it was an act of injustice, and could not come within the category of "wise, just, and beneficial." He thought with Mr. Huskisson that the right kind of Free Trade was to have moderate protective but not prohibitory duties; and that, he believed, was the only policy under which the country would prosper in future. If they were to have unrestricted competition, it should be unrestricted; all burdens should be removed from farming produce; and farmers should not be prevented from using that produce free from duty in the most advantageous manner as regarded consumption by themselves, their labourers, and their cattle. He objected to the term compensation being fastened upon the farmer, in an offensive sense; he claimed the removal of restrictions by unjust taxes and burdens.

MR. STANHOPE said, he could not admit that the agricultural interest had suffered no injury. His county (North Lincolnshire) was a fair test of the operation of the Free Trade policy. The farmers held their land at moderate rents; they had a laborious and excellent peasantry; and if any men could have withstood the evil of free trade, those were the men who would have done it. He had seen men once independent obliged to rely for their bread on the charity of their landlords. In that MR. SPEAKER: I think it necessary county, where men received a higher reto remind the House, that the question be- muneration than in any other, the labourers fore the House is not the Motion of the were in a far worse condition since the Act hon. Member for Wolverhampton, but that of 1846 than before. Without sufficient this House do now adjourn. I will also employment and sufficient remuneration, remind them that this is a day devoted to the cheapness of provisions was no benefit. Notices of Motion, which, by our Rules, Believing that great injury had been inwill take precedence of the Orders of the flicted, he could not assent to the words Day; but owing to this Motion for adjourn-wise, just, and beneficial;" and, consisment, the House has been drawn into a tently with his duty to his constituents as

cellor of the Exchequer, therefore, on behalf of the Gouernment, so far to assist him as to give him an opportunity of bringing in his Bill before the right hon. Gentleman the Attorney General for Ireland (Mr. Napier) moved the second reading of the Bills he had introduced.

The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER said, he thought the hon. and learned Gentleman, in yielding to the ge

tenant-farmers, he could not affirm any of the Resolutions now before the House. Ile was aware the question was settled by the decision of the country, and to that decision he thought it his duty to bow. The only constitutional course for a Member of Parliament, when a question was decided by the country, was to apply himself, however strong his personal feelings might be, to carry out that principle. If they were to have unrestricted competition, their in-neral feeling of the House on a subject dustry ought not to be trammelled by any fiscal or unnatural regulation. If the soil of England was to compete with the soil of the whole world, they should be permitted to grow any crop they could possibly cultivate. He trusted that if they were obliged to accept of the principle of Free Trade, that the agriculturists would no longer be compelled to contribute so much to the revenue of the country.

SIR JAMES GRAHAM said, that under the circumstances of the case, he would ask the leave of the House to withdraw his Motion for its adjournment. Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

TENANT RIGHT (IRELAND) BILL. MR. C. VILLIERS said, that the hon. and learned Member for Kilkenny County had a Motion on the paper relative to Tenant Right, but he would appeal to the hon. and learned Gentleman to waive his right to precedence, and to allow the adjourned debate on the Resolutions he (Mr. Villiers) had proposed, and the Amendment of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to go on.

of great interest, had exercised a wise discretion, and he was sure his constituents would not be dissatisfied with his conduct on that occasion. He would not object to the hon. and learned Gentleman bringing in his Bill, but he was afraid that if the hon. and learned Gentleman liked to put it down for to-morrow night, which was a Government night, the debate on the question now before the House might take up the whole time. He would assist the hon. and learned Member to bring in his Bill, but he could not pledge himself to support it. He might at the same time observe that he would not be able to make his financial statement to-morrow night (Friday), as he had given notice he would.

MR. SERJEANT SHEE said, he wished to have had an opportunity of stating the principles of the Bill; but as the House appeared so anxious to resume the debate on Commercial Legislation, he would only ask permission of the House for leave to bring in the Bill.

Leave given. Bill read 1°.

COMMERCIAL LEGISLATION-FREE
TRADE-ADJOURNED DEBATE.

MR. SERJEANT SHEE said, the question he had to bring under the notice of Order read, for resuming adjourned Dethe House was one of no ordinary impor- bate on Amendment proposed to Question tance. It was, indeed, a matter most im- [23rd November], "That it is the opinion portant to Irish Members, and to himself, of this House that the improved condition as well as to the constituencies they repre- of the Country, and particularly of the Insented. If those constituencies could be dustrious Classes, is mainly the result of present, and see with their own eyes what recent Commercial Legislation, and espewas going on, they might, however, under-cially of the Act of 1846, which established stand the importance of the question which the House was anxious to discuss, and of the various propositions before them. If it was the general sense of the House that he ought to give way, he should be very sorry to interpose his Motion, and he was sure he would do no good to his constituents, or to the people of Ireland, in opposing himself to the strongly-declared sense of the House. But, on the other hand, if he gave up this point to the House, he thought the House ought to do something for him. He would ask the right hon. Chan

the free admission of Foreign Corn; and that that Act was a wise, just, and beneficial measure:"-(Mr. Charles Villiers:)— And which Amendment was to leave out from the first word "That" to the end of the Question, in order to add the words

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this House acknowledges, with satisfaction, that the cheapness of provisions, occasioned by recent Legislation, has mainly contributed to improve the condition and increase the comforts of the Working Classes; and that unrestricted competition having been adopted, after due delibera