Rawle's Repts., page 62; and 7 Smith's Laws of Pennsylvania, 287, note.)

This was the Constitution and its judicial construction from 1787 down to 1826, when the Legislature of Pennsylvania flew into the face of the federal compact, and enacted the law which, it is seen, the Supreme Court of the United States, in Prigg's case, ruled to be unconstitutional and void; after then, on the 3d of March, 1847, the Legislature of Pennsylvania repealed this "void" law, and enacted another equally covert and ill tempered. They forbade all their judges and magistrates to take jurisdiction of any fugitive slave, under penalty of impeachment and a fine of $1000, and imposed a fine of $1000 and three months' imprisonment upon any person who should violently or tumultuously seize any fugitive slave-as if it could be done in Pennsylvania without force, and the instant raising of a mob; and shut their prisons against all slaves, unless committed by a judge of the United States.

Of course every runaway slave will not be beckoned over into Pennsylvania, at least two hundred miles from a United States judge.

They also enacted that a writ of habeas corpus might be issued for a fugitive slave.

Thus nullifying the decisions of their own Supreme Court, and throwing in the way of the clause of the Constitution every possible obstruction.

In 1850, all sides began to get ashamed of these unblushing acts of bad faith; immense town-meetings were held in Philadelphia, at which the leaders bellowed and vapored about the sacred union; a joint resolution of the same character was reported in the Senate at Harrisburg; and Governor Johnston joined in the farce by a message, couched in terms of censurable severity, against the Supreme Court of the United States, for their decision in Prigg's case, in which he rudely impugns the motives of the court; and concludes by an elaborate and sophistical vindication of these Pennsylvania statutes and a caustic recrimination upon the Southern States. Governor Johnston was most justly rebuked by the act of Congress, soon after those passed upon the subject of fugitive slaves.

Pennsylvania is not alone in these acts of unkindness and double-dealing; other States have united in the same course of unwarrantable intervention; and perhaps it would be more consistent with their lofty pretensions to honesty and patriotism,

if they were in the first place to repeal all these obnoxious violations of the Constitution, and afterwards preach sermons about the golden bonds of the Union, and palsying the tongues and arms of those who rightfully demand faith or dissolution.

They have all been most properly humiliated for their temerity, in being compelled to submit to the passage of a law by Congress, by which the strong arm of the Central Government is hereafter to be employed in capturing fugitive slaves and returning them to their lawful owners; a duty they should have cheerfully performed themselves, as they promised to do by the Constitution, instead of throwing dogged and unmanly obstacles in its way.

Daniel Webster, in a letter to his friends, at Newburyport, in 1850, on this subject, remarks :—

"Now, the counterpart of the 'agitation' presents an equally singular and striking aspect in the fact that the greatest clamor and outcry have been raised against the cruelty and enormity of the reclamation of slaves in quarters where no such reclamation has ever been made, or, if ever made, the instances are so exceedingly few and far between as to have escaped general knowledge. New England, it is well known, is the chosen seat of the abolition presses and the abolition societies. Here it is, principally, that the former cheer the morning by full columns of lamentations over the fate of human beings free by nature, and by a law above the Constitution.

"It is well to inquire what foundation there is for all this rhapsody of opinion, and all this violence in conduct. What and how many are the instances of the seizure of fugitive slaves which these persons have seen, or which have happened in New England in their time? To ascertain the truth in this respect I have made diligent inquiry of members of Congress from the six New England States.

"The result, then, of all I can learn is this: No seizure of an alleged fugitive slave has ever been made in Maine. No seizure of an alleged fugitive slave has ever been made in New Hampshire. No seizure of an alleged fugitive slave has ever been made in Vermont. No seizure of an alleged fugitive slave has ever been made in Rhode Island within the last thirty years. No seizure of an alleged fugitive slave is known to have been made in Connecticut, except one about twenty-five years ago, and in that case the negro was immediately discharged for want of proof of identity. Some instances of the seizure of alleged

fugitive slaves are known to have occurred in this generation in Massachusetts; but, except one, their number and their history are uncertain; that one took place in Boston twelve or fifteen years ago; and in that case some charitably disposed persons offered the owner a sum of money which he regarded as less than half the value of the slave, but which he agreed to accept, and the negro was discharged.

"If this be a true account of all that has happened in New England, within the last thirty years, respecting the arrest of fugitive slaves, what is there to justify the passionate appeals, the vehement and empty declamations, the wild and fantastic conduct, of both men and women, which have so long disturbed and so much disgraced the country? What is there especially that should induce public men to break loose from all just restraint, fall themselves into the merest vagaries, and fan, with what they call eloquence, the fires, ever ready to kindle, of popular prejudice and popular excitement? I suspect all this to be the effect of that wandering and vagrant philanthropy which disturbs and annoys all that is present, in time or place, by heating the imagination on subjects distant, remote, and uncertain.

"It is admitted, on all hands, that the necessity for any legal provision for the reclaiming of fugitive slaves is a misfortune and an evil; as it is admitted by nearly all that slavery itself is a misfortune and an evil. And there are States in which the evil attending these reclamations is particularly felt. But where the evil really exists, there is comparatively little complaint, and no excitement.

"Does not every sober-minded and patriotic man see the necessity, and feel the duty, of rebuking that spirit of faction and disunion, that spirit of discord, and of crimination and recrimination, that spirit that loves angry controversy, and loves it, most especially, when evils are imaginary and dangers unreal, which has been so actively employed in doing mischief, and which, it is to be lamented, has received countenance and encouragement in quarters whence better things were looked for?"

It is unreasonable now to attempt an arbitrary reformation. This evil was compromised for by the Constitution; and whether the North like or dislike it, they have agreed to submit to it.

Under this bargain, it is said that the interests of the South

have increased in value to the amount of sixteen hundred millions of dollars in slaves.

There is no interest to this extent in stocks, manufactories, or commerce, or anything else held by the North, the menace of which by the South would not instantly rouse the whole North to arms.

REMEDY.

1st. The Wilmot Proviso, and all similar projects, should be abandoned. They are inexpedient and unnecessary, and will be superseded by events that will do more for the cause of freedom than was ever dreamed of by abolitionists and free soilers.

2d. All petitions, motions, and speeches about slavery in the District of Columbia, except to stop its exposure in chains and at auction, should be stopped; and all attempts to agitate these subjects should be silenced by a resolution of Congress.

3d. In order to establish a uniform rule of action for all the States against fugitive slaves, and to supersede the want of the will or the power of the individual States to carry out this constitutional pledge about fugitive slaves, Congress should pass a law, containing the most explicit and efficient remedy for the capture and return of runaway slaves by the judicial, and, if necessary, the military power of the General Government. Both are constantly used to enforce the collection of duties upon foreign importations for the benefit of all the States; and why not use them for the benefit and protection of the acknowledged and constitutional rights of the individual States?

The owners of fugitive slaves cannot carry the power of their own States into another State. If they are to submit to this wrong, this deliberate breach of the national compact, without indemnity, they might as well surrender any other or all their rights. The refusal to do them justice in this respect. is a sufficient moral and legal ground of resistance, as much as were the causes that began the revolt of the old colonies.

CHAPTER XIV.

CITIES.

Extracts-Poverty-Crime-Banks-Corporations - Monopolies - News

papers-Morals-Origin-Draymen-Examples-Prisons-Conspiracies -Luxury-Dress-Chances-Tricks-Hypocrisy-Adventurers-Banks

-Courts-Corruption-Arrogance-Gambling - Stock-jobbing

-

Cases

- Dram-shops — Slave-pen - Pillory-Whipping-post― Labor— Husbandry-Cities dangerous-To be watched-Farms-Rural life-Peace -Liberty.

"THE race always deteriorates in cities-distinguished families disappear in a few generations; and but for continual supplies of the elements of the physical, intellectual, and moral character from the country, would soon sink to the lowest effeminacy, and the easy conquest of any savage horde.”—Tracts for the People.

"There are now (July, 1849) in Paris 95,179 persons in absolute misery from poverty, and 299,387 receiving relief from the government, making nearly 400,000 persons in Paris in a destitute condition."

ARISTOCRACY OF TRADE-PRONENESS OF TRADESMEN TO DIS

AFFECTION.

"Great capital cities, when rebellion is upon pretence of grievances, must needs be of the rebel party, because the grievances are but taxes, to which citizens, that is, merchants, whose profession is their private gain, are naturally mortal enemies; their only glory being to grow excessively rich by buying and selling.

"B. But they are said to be of all callings the most beneficial to the commonwealth, by setting the poorer sort of people to work.

"A. That is to say, by making poor people sell their labor to them at their own prices. So that poor people, for the most part, might get a better living by working in Bridewell, than by spinning, weaving, and other such labor as they can