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cordingly returned with the army to Amboy, on the fecond day from its departure on the expedition, and paffed it over on the next to Staten ifland, from whence the embarkation was intended to take place.

The preparations for this grand expedition excited a general alarm throughout the continent. Bofton, the North river, the Delaware, Chesapeak-bay, and even Charlestown, were alternately held to be its objects. Gen. Washington, in pursuance of the intelligence which he continually received from New York, and the other iflands, was conftantly dispatching expreffes to put thofe places upon their guard, againft which, from immediate information, he fuppofed for the time the form to be directed. It was one of the manifeft advantages of proceeding by fea, that it was impoffible for Washington directly to know where the form would fall. He must therefore keep his pofition; and the King's army muft neceffarily make a confiderable progrefs to wards its object, before he could be in a condition to refift them; and fuch a progrefs would not leave him that choice of pofts by which hitherto he had avoided a general action.

During the ceffation procured by preparation on the one fide, and apprehenlion on the other, a fpirited adventure on the fide of Rhode island, not only retaliated the surprise of Gen. Lee, but feemed to procure an indemnification for his perfon. Col. Barton, a provincial, with feveral other officers and volunteers, paffed by night, July 10. from Providence to Rhode island; and though they had a long paffage by water, they eluded the watchfulness of the fhips of war and guard-boats which furrounded the island, and conducted their enterprise with fuch filence, boldness, and dexterity, that they surprised Gen. Prefcot, who commanded in chief, in his quarters, and brought him and his aid-de-camp, through all thofe perils, fafe to the continent [39. 472.]. This little adventure produced much exultatation on the one fide, and more regret than it feemed to deferve on the other, from the influence which it must neceffarily have on the deftination of Gen. Lee. It was, however, particularly galling and grievous to Gen. Preicot, who not long before had carried matters to fuch a length, as to fet a price upon Arnold, and offer a reward-for taking

his perfon, as if he had been a commo outlaw or robber; an infult which Ar nold immediately returned, by fettin an inferior price upon the General's per fon.

Some time previous to thefe tranfac tions, the Congrefs had found it necef fary to advance the rate of intereft upo the large loan which they propofed fo the fervice, and upon the credit of th united provinces, from four, which wa firft offered, to fix per cent. As a tefti mony of public gratitude, and a futur incitement to what they confidered o held out as virtue and patriotism, the ordered, that a monument should be e rected at Boft. n, in honour of Maj. Gen. Warren, who commanded and f in the engagement at Bunker's-hill; and another in Virginia, in honour of Brig. Gen. Mercer, who was flain in the ac tion near Prince-town; the refolution conveying, in a very few words, the highest eulogium on the character and merits of the deceased. They likewil decreed, that the eldest son of the for mer of thefe gentlemen, and the young. est son of the latter, should be educated at the expence of the United States. Al Mercer had a good landed eitate, th propriety of adopting his youngest for as the child of the public is obvious.

Notwithstanding the preparations tha had already been made for the embarka tion, and the affistance afforded by thi crews of near 300 veffels, yet fuch an the unavoidable delays incident to fuchTM operations when at all extenfive, that was not until the 23d of July that th fleet and army were able to depart from Sandy-hook. In order more effectuall to perplex and deceive the enemy, th General ordered fome transports, with a fhip cut down to act as a floating-bat tery, up the North river, a little befor the embarkation was completed; a feint which fucceeded fo far as to induce Washington to detach a confiderable body of his army acrofs that river.

The force that embarked upon the ex pedition confifted of thirty fix Brit and Heffian battalions, including the light infantry and grenadiers, with powerful artillery, a New-York corp called the Queen's Rangers, and a re giment of light horfe. Seventeen bat talions, with a reg ment of light horfe and the remainder of the new provincial corps,. were left for the pro tection of New York, and the ad

joining

joining iflands. Rhode island was occupied by feven battalions. So much was the active force of the army restrained, by the poffeffion, which it was, however, indifpenfably necessary to hold of these important pofts. It is faid, that the General intended to have taken a greater force with him upon the expedition; but that upon the reprefentations of Gen. Clinton, who was to command in his absence, of the danger to which the islands would be expofed from the extenfiveness of their coafts, and the great number of pofts that were necef. fanly to be maintained, he acknowledged the force of these arguments by relanding feveral regiments.

Whilft both Gen. Washington and the Congrefs were fufficiently engaged, by their attention to the movements, and apprehenfion of the defigns, of the powerful fleet and army which was condnded by the brother Generals and Commiffioners, the rapid progrefs of Gen. Burgoyne on the fide of the Lakes, and the unaccountable conduct of their own commanders in abandoning Ticon. deroga, were events fo alarming and anexpected, that they could not fail to perplex their counfels, and confiderably to impede their defenfive preparations in other parts. The Congrefs behaved with franels in this exigency. They immediately iffued orders for a recal to head quarters, and an inquiry into the condett of the general officers who had abandoned Ticonderoga; they directed Washington to appoint other commanders; and they likewife directed him to femmon fuch numbers of the militia from the eastern and central provinces for the northern fervice, as he fhould Leem fufficient for reftraining the progres of the enemy.

The voyage was far from being farearable to the fleet and army engaged in the expedition. It coft them a week to gain the Capes of Delaware. The formation which the commanders received there, of the measures taken by the enemy for rendering the navigation of that river impracticable, afforded fo Ittle encouragement to the profecution of their defign by that way, that it was ven up, and a paffage by Chefapeak bay, to that part of Maryland which les to the eaft of that vaft inlet, and not 23 very great diftance to the fouth-weft of Philadelphia, was adopted in its place, VOL. XLI.

as presenting fewer obftacles to their operations. The winds were fo contrary in this part of the voyage, that the middle of Auguft was turned before they entered Chefapeak bay; a circumftance highly inconvenient and irksome in that hot feafon of the year, with fo great a number of men and horfes crowded and cooped up in the veffels; but which must have been attended with the most fatal confequences, if the forefight of the commanders had not guarded against every event, by the unbounded provifion they had made for the voyage, as a failure in any one article, even that of water, would have been probably irremediable.

The winds fortunately proved fair in the bay, fo that the fleet gained the mouth of the river Elk, near its extremity, in fafety, through a moft intricate and dangerous navigation for such a multitude of vessels; in which the Admiral performed the different parts of a commander, inferior officer, and pilot, with his ufual ability and perfeverance. Having proceeded up the Elk, as far as it was capable of admitting their paffage, the army was at length relieved from its long and tirefome confinement on board the transports, being landed without any oppofition at Elk ferry, in a degree of health and condition which could fcarcely have been expected, on the 25th of Auguft. Whilft one part of the army advanced to the head of Elk, the other continued at the landingplace, to protect and forward the artillery, ftores, and neceffary provifions, the General not permitting the troops to be much incumbered with baggage; indeed the fcarcity of carriage rendered even a great abridgement in the article of tents neceffary.

In the mean time, Gen. Washington, with the army from the Jerfeys, had returned to the defence of Philadelphia; and upon advice of the descent at Elk, advanced to the Brandywine creek, or river, which, croffing the country about half-way to that city, falls into the Delaware. Their force, including the militia, amounted to 15,000 men, which was probably about the number, making the neceffary allowance for posts and communications, that the royal army could bring into action.

Sir William Howe, &c. [To be continued],
PAR-

Κ

PARLIAMENT. [31.]

THE report of the addrefs was received by the Commons on the 27th of November.

Sir Philip Jennings Clarke contended ftill for the amendment propofed.

Mr Adam said, that nobody had a higher opinion of the refources of this country than he had, if they were in the hands of men who could call them forth; that the spirit of this country was ftill capable of producing great efforts; but that under minifters who had not been able to carry on a war against America alone, we could never hope to fucceed against that country united with France, and probably in a thort time united alfo with Spain; that nobody could be more zealous than himself for the dependence of America upon this country, but now every point feemed to be yielded, if the congrefs had accepted, taxation, trade, and an alteration of government, that we now fought only for the patronage of America, and he was not of opinion that an addition of influence to the minifters of the crown was a fit object for us to purfue; and he doubted, whether the dependence of America, with the patronage of it, or the independence of America, was most to be dreaded; but he thought a dependent connection was ftill to be procured, fuch as would render the intereft of both countries mutual; that this was not to be done by pursuing the war in America, but by making the moft vigorous exertions against France, and leaving America at reft; that he had voted for the amendment the night before, not that he would not chearfully agree to an addrefs expreffive of the ftrongest attachment and support to his Majefty, but that agreeing implicitly to the addrefs propofed, was tacitly approving of the conduct of minifters which deferved to be reprobated; that befides utility, curiofity had fome share in making him fupport the amendment; that when he confidered the characters of thofe who compofed the present adminiftration individually, he found them to be men of acknowledged ability both in their public and private capacity; but, acting collectively, blunder, ignorance, and inability, marked every step of their conduct; that he wished to be able to Jay his hand upon the caufe that produced fo fingular an effect; it had been afked, where other ministers could be

found? he faid, he was far from payin any adulation to any particular fet men; that he found upon his fide the House, great public ability and pr vate virtue, men whofe talents in tha Houfe did great honour to themselves yet he would not with any certainty com clude from that, that they would mal able minifters; for cruel experience ha taught us, that the fame man can please public affembly by an harangue, and the nation by his mifconduct; but thought the conduct of the prefent min fters had been so wavering, fo ineffectua and fo irrefolute, that it would be bett to caft lots for ministers, than to reta them in office.

Mr Bailey communicated to the Ho fome intelligence which he had receiv by private letters from Jamaica, impor ing, That a large body of troops we affembled at Hifpaniola; that they or waited for a French fleet to convoy the that the Minerva and Active, two of Majefty's frigates, had been taken by French man of war; that the Govern of Jamaica had been obliged to procla martial law; and that both the Gove nor and the Admiral on that ftation w under great folicitude for the fate of th ifland. He called upon minifters to d clare if they had received any fuch i telligence.

Mr De Grey said, they had no fo official accounts; on the contrary, ters from the Governor of Jamaica po tively afferted, that the island was in fu a ftate of defence as to enable him to fift any fudden attack till fuccours cou arrive from England.

Mr Fox obferved, on what had be thrown out the day before, that our tuation was not so bad now as at the b ginning of the laft war; this he conftru as an oblique reflection on his fathe the late Lord Holland, who was minift at that æra; and on that ground he too occafion to contraft the conduct of th Noble perfon alluded to, with that the prefent minifter; the former, he fai judged it a point of honour to refign h office, when he found he could no long er hold it for the benefit of his country the latter makes it his point of honour t keep his office year after year, while th empire by his mifmanagement totter to the foundation; and in the very mo ment of general diftrefs, goes into th cabinet, and advifes his Majefty to be flow on him a moft lucrative place, th wardenship

wardenship of the cinque-ports. He then rallied minifters for fending out a commiffioner who could tell the Americans what fort of men they were [40. 222.]; this, he faid, was enough to mar the inccels of the treaty. He concluded his fpeech with an ironical panegyric on their wildom, their penetration, and their veracity.

Lord North did not deny the perilous Stuation in which the nation was involved; but infifted, that neither he nor his colleagues were to blame; that the misfortunes which had happened were in confequence of measures planned by former adminiftrations, approved by parLament, and fupported by the whole na ton; that the charge of foliciting homours or emoluments was not true; they were the fpontaneons voluntary gifts of his royal mafter, after ten years of fervices: be had not bettered his fortune fince be came into office; and the duty he ewed a large family made it incumbent e him, in his fituation, not to refuse a moderate provifion for them: but as to the laft place he had obtained, it was not of fuch confequence as the gentleman imagined; for it was owing to his own moderation that the King had not given bim all the falary annexed to it in the late poffeffor's time. He then requested gentlemen not to raise fcruples where there could be none: neither the fpeech nor the addrefs mentioned the American war; they only requested and promifed general fupport. His Lordship concluded with profeffing a readiness to refign his office, whenever it fhould appear that his country would be benefited by his refignation.

Gen. Burgoyne begged to be indulged with faying a few words in reply to an minuation thrown out the night before by the Noble Lord at the head of the American department, namely, That he [the General] had no great reafon to complain of the conduct of government towards him, as he was ftill permitted to be abfent from his duty, though he had received orders to repair to his poft, &c. No anfwer had been returned, his Lordfhip understood, to this order, but a geral acknowledgement of its being received. [31.]

This was what was ftated, the General faid, by the Noble Lord the preceding evening, às an inftance of the great indulgence that had been fhewn him; but to place the whole of this tranfaction in a proper light, the General, after apo

logizing for taking up the time of the Houfe with a matter merely of a perfonal and private nature, proceeded in detail to relate every particular that had happened fince his arrival in England.

On his coming home, he waited on the Noble Lord; and had no reason to complain of his reception at his first interview. Eager to throw himself at his Majesty's feet, he preffed for that honour; but found, to his aftonishment, that the doors of St James's were shut against him: he was affured, that there was nothing particular in this; that it was unusual for a person, circumstanced as he was, to be admitted to the royal prefence, till after a court of inquiry had been previously held. Thus, while he daily expected that fome ftep would be taken to bring things to an issue, he was informed, that being a prifoner under the convention of Saratoga, he was amenable to no tribunal here, nor could be introduced to his fovereign till every impediment was removed. From this, and fome other circumstances of like tendency, he had every reason to believe, he faid, that the Noble Lord had previously determined to exclude him from the royal prefence. A very striking event ferved to confirm his opinion: Towards the conclufion of the laft feffion of parliament, on the queftion for prorogation* being debated, his confcience com

pelled

[Mr David Hartley moved, May 28. to addrefs the King, not to prorogue the parliament, but fuffer them to continue fitting, that every important event might be provided for on the earlieft notice, particularly the negotiation then pending in America. It was obferved, in oppofition to the mo tion, that the King had a power, in any extraordinary emergency, of convening the parliament on fourteen days notice; whereas if the Houfe, finding they had no business on their hands, fhould adjourn for fix weeks, they could not affemble within that time. tency of Gen. Burgoyne's fitting and voting Some doubts arifing concerning the compein parliament, on account of his being a prifoner of war, the General removed the doubt, by declaring, that he was not a pri foner of war, the congrefs having never de clared the Saratoga convention invalid, but only expreffed their apprehenfions that they would be declared fo in England; and en tertaining that doubt, required him to engage himfelt to return when called. On a divifion, the numbers were, for the provu? gation 105, against it 53.

K 2

Sir

pelled him to take a decifive part againft the miniftry; in two days after the feffion broke up, he received a letter from the fecretary at war, the purport of which was, That the King finding, that his prefence was material to the troops detained prifoners in New England under the convention of Saratoga; and that in a letter, addressed to Sir William Howe, dated April 9. 1778, he faid, that he hoped a fhort stay at Bath would enable him to return to America; his Majefty was pleased to order, that he fhould return to Bofton as foon as he had tried the Bath waters in the manner he had proposed.

Surprised at receiving this order, not from the commander in chief, but from the office of the fecretary at war, he waited on Lord Amherst, to know if it had originated in the cabinet, and why it did not come to him through, what he thought, the proper channel? His Lordfhip's anfwer was, That it was delivered to him by his Majefty, or by his direc tions; that as to its being a cabinet-meafure, he could not pretend to fay; but as his command was confined to G. Britain, and the order related to a com mand in America, he thought it his duty to tranfmit it to the fecretary at war; that the affair was entirely out of his cognifance, further than to obey the King's orders.

In answer to the above order, the General faid, he wrote a long letter, part of which he read as his fpeech, complaining of the severity that had been exercifed towards him, and of the hardship of fuch an order while his honour remained unvindicated. And he affured the Houfe, that at the time of writing that answer, his fixed purpofe was, in cafe the above conditional order was made pofitive, to lay at his Majefty's feet his commiflions, requesting only to retain that of lieutenant-general, to enable him to fulfil his parole, and to make him a menable to a court-martial.

About three weeks after (viz. on the 27th of June) he received a second letter, informing him that his anfwer of June 5, had been laid before the King, and that

Sir James Lowther, June 2. the penult day of the feffion, moved for an addrefs to the King, humbly to reprefent, That in the prefent very critical pofture of affairs a prorogation of parlament would be dangerous, and would contribute to throw them into fill greater confufion. This motion was likewife egatived, 94 again? 54]

his Majefty continued to think his prefence of importance to the troops; and repeating the former order, to return to them as foon as he could, without any material injury to his health. To this letter he had replied no farther than to acknowledge its receipt; and fhould it be now made peremptory, he knew how he ought and would act, be the consequen ces what they might. But he could not help thinking it fomewhat extraordina ry, that the Noble Lord at the head o the American department fhould be ig norant of his anfwer, which containe his complaints, and should only be in formed of that in which he barely ac knowledged his receipt of the letter ( the 27th of June. He was howeve glad, that the Noble Lord was ignoran of his first answer, and of the letter whic produced it, as it would have betrayed fhameful spirit of revenge in him to l inftrumental in removing a man out the way who he knew taxed him wit injuftice, and between whom and h Lordship there was a long account to l fettled before the public. As the on grounds ftated in the order for his retu to America was, that his presence wi neceffary to the troops, prifoners the under the convention of Saratoga; 1 would ask miniftry, whether they he taken any effectual ftep to releafe tho brave men who fo galiantly fought ar freely bled in the fervice of their com try? he had heard of none; they we fuffered to undergo what was worfe tha death, and feemed to be totally forgotte and neglected.

It had, the General faid, been infin ated, that by continuing in England I had fhrunk from his duty. What ci cumftance of his public conduct was that gave birth to fuch an idea? Wa there one in his private life that did no mark the falfehood and cruelty of it What had be not facrificed to his dut in the American war? He fpoke not c the refignation of eafe and domeftic com forts; thefe the public had a right to de mand a refignation of, when neceffary from every profeffional man; but hi lot had been particular, and his fepara tions had gone to the very convulfions o his heart, [alluding to the very indiffe rent state of his lady's health, and he death [38. 340.] in confequence of it du ring his abfence.]

That any man who, in the ftate of bo dy and mind in which he left this coun

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