tween Ireland and North America: he did not doubt but the agent of the congress refiding at Paris had ample inftructions for that purpose.- His Lordfhip, in the beginning of his fpeech, acknowledged himself not above the influence of interefted inducements; he had a large property in Ireland, and was free to confefs that he felt the full operation of that confideration: and towards the clofe of t he was much diffatisfied with fome paDers produced by the Earl of Hillfboough, which had been fent over by the Lord Lieutenant. He faid, they ferved only to fhew the decline of the revenue of Ireland, and the affiduity of fome perons at home, or in the government of reland, in pursuing a more favourite ob& than that of the public good; the tting up an inquifition, by ordering the ommiffioners of the customs to inquire to and prepare lifts of the value and articulars of the eftates of abfentees.lis Lordship concluded with moving e Houfe to refolve, "That it is high7 criminal in his Majefty's ministers to ave neglected to take effectual measures or the relief of Ireland, in confequence f the addrefs of the Houfe of May 1779, ad of his Majefty's anfwer; by which eglect they have brought on divifions nd diffenfions in that kingdom, and efh embarrassments on his Majesty's goroment, at a period when real unaniity between the two kingdoms is moft anted."

The Earl of Hillsborough replied, That he motion with which the Noble Lord oncluded his harangue was an infult to he fenfe and juftice of the House: A otion indifcriminate in its aim, and unroved in its circumftances, including at nce men refponfible and not refponfible, nd containing imputations to the truth f which no teftimony had been addu ed. Each of the three grounds menoned he himself could prove to be deitute of truth. The papers his Lord. ip laid before the Houfe that day, and e fhould bring more to-morrow, made art of the inquiries fet on foot in conquence of the addrefs of May 11.; the orrefpondence with the Lord Lieuteant of Ireland was opened by Ld Weyouth on the 27th of May; and the Lord Lieutenant's anfwer was dated the d of June, and is a very able paper, ending materially to fhow, that no time as lost in purfuing the object of the adefs. He defired their Lordflips to VOL. XLI.

wait three or four days, till all the papers were before the Houfe, and the full intentions of the ministry with respect to Ireland known, before they proceeded to a cenfure; and that they would not pafs a sentence of condemnation without any proof of guilt before them.He had informed their Lordships in a former debate, that every thing should be done for the fatisfaction of Ireland that it was in his power to procure. At prefent that temper actuated all the members of administration; fo foon as they loft that temper, they would lofe him: - he came into adminiftration with full engagements to fee Ireland fairly and completely relieved, and would certainly quit it whenever that object was for faken. He wished every practicable redrefs to be extended to Ireland; - every practicable redress would be extended; it was his intimate defire, that the countries might blend fo closely, that all diftinction, in intereft and name, might fubfide; that Irishmen might mean Englishmen, and Englishmen Irithmen; and that every thing might be in all refpects completely reciprocal. What could be defired beyond fuch promifes he could not perceive; and he pledged himself to the Houfe, that the promifes he made, were given with the moft heart-felt fincerity.

The Earl of Shelburne's motion was fupported by the Marquis of Rockingham, the Dukes of Richmond, Manchefter, and Grafton, the Earls of Abingdon and Effingham, Lord Camden, &c.; and it was oppofed by the Earl Gower, the Lord Chancellor, Lord Stor mont, &c.

Earl Gower, (late Prefident of the Council), after declaring he was against the motion, becaufe he thought it unjuft to proceed to punithment without proofs of criminality, explained the reafons of his refignation. He faid, that great divifions prevailed in the cabinet 1 he had pledged himself to the Houfe at the end of last session, that speedy mea. fures would be taken for the relief of Ireland, and what he expected thould be done, was not done either for England or Ireland: There were great refources in the kingdom, but he did not think them properly managed in the treafery, which was the head department, and he could not in honour and confcience any longer acquiefce under fuch manage

The Duke of Richmond faid, that the influence which ruined this country was that of the Earl of Bute, who, fince the beginning of this reign, had made all men in office acknowledge a dependence on him. Earl Gower anfwered, that fince he had been in office he knew of no fuch influence, neither did he believe it exifted.

The Lord Chancellor profeffed refponfibility in the most direct terms. He faid, that the law-doctrine, That the King of England can do no wrong, was not the language of mere civility; it was as conftitutionally true in fact as in fpeculation. A king of England can do no wrong: his advifers and counsellors are always refponfible for every act of the crown, as they are fanctioned or pafs through their refpective departments: for inftance, if he put the feal to any act or measure, which was in itfelf illegal, unconftitutional, or mifchievous, it would be he, and he alone, that would be made responsible, and not the King.

:

The Duke of Richmond replied, that the annals of this country gave the flatteft contradiction to the law-axiom, That the King can do no wrong. If a king of England can do no wrong, how came James II. to be banished? why are not his defcendents on the throne? or how came the English nation to profcribe him and his family, and to chufe a king of their own appointment? I will grant (faid his Grace) that the cafe does not fupport my pofition throughout, because James 11. was fuffered to depart with impunity but there is another recent inftance in our hiftory, that of Charles I. who not only did wrong, but was punifhed; and moft clearly the conftitution means in theory, and has declared fo in fact, in more than one or two inftances, that the maxim, That the King of England can do no wrong, may be negatively applied to the defcendents of the Houfe of Brunfwick, as well as of the House of Stuart; and there can be little doubt, that the fame unconftitutional principle by which the latter family were bacished, might with equal juftice be applied to the prefent reigning family.Our readers have feen Swift [12.309.] and Berkeley [25.699.] on this fubject.]

The question being put, the numbers were, Cortents 35, proxies 2; Not contents 69, proxies 13.

A fiinilar motion was made in the

Houfe of Commons, by Lord Offory, Dec. 6.; and passed in the negative, 192 to 100.

Lord North laid before the Commons, Dec. 1. feveral papers relating to Ireland. - Gen. Conway wifhed to know fome thing concerning the plan formed by government for the relief of that kingdom; and that a day as early as poffible might be named for taking the papers into con fideration.-Lord North faid, he thought the affairs of Ireland demanded an inmediate attention; that he fhould not treat them with any delay, but that fuch a hafle as would be inconfiftent with the moft attentive and cool revision of the whole question, was not the fort of ex pedition that would meet the magnitud or urgency of the affair. He thought, if they were taken into confideration t morrow fe'ennight, it would be a reafon able time, which the Irish parliament would not think an improper delay a That the method he meant to pers was, to refer the papers to a commit of the whole House, and therein to mer certain refolutions, which would a wards take the form of a bill or bilkSir George Yonge wished to be inform what was to be the nature of thofe rde lutions.-Lord Beauchamp thought there was the lefs occafion for explaining the refolutions, as they would neceffarily before the Houfe in a variety of for and might confequently be altered to the inclination of the Houfe.-Mr T. To Li hend said, if any thing of that kind wen permitted, it would prove the counter of the conduct of last year, which wa all its parts fo completely miserable, our manufacturing towns would pet and would one by one fritter the plan nothing.

On the 9th Lord North stated in ace cife manner the propofitions he intes ed to make in favour of Ireland. H Lordship faid, it had been fuggefted 1 him, that it would be extremely imp per to propofe any thing that could p fibly fall fhort of the expectations of. land. This idea he had attended! and he firmly believed, according to information he had received from th country, which he flattered himself »very good, that the terms he meas offer were such as would give full ££ faction to Ireland. The parliament Ireland had petitioned the throne, had represented, that nothing lefs th a free trade could fave that country::

of mutual good offices, mutual interefts, and mutual harmony. By the compact Ireland was to be confined to the linen manufacture: now it may be asked, if we released her from her part of that compact, by giving her a woollen trade, fhould not the releafe us from our part of it, and not expect those indulgences we have given to her linens? He thought not. The principal meafure would be the repeal of the bounties on the export of thofe linens. This is not an object of confequence in the amount, for the highest year it does not rife to more than 13 or 14,000 l.; and being of very confiderable confequence to the manufacture, he did not think it would be advisable to repeal it. It fhould be confidered, that this bounty is of much ufe to ourselves; for it draws the foreign trade of Irish linens to England, which is an object of no flight confequence. That it is of use in both ways, will appear from hence, that in two or three inftances between 1751 and 1757, it was fuffered to drop, and the export of linen declined, in the years when it did not operate, from two to five millions of yards, which fhewed that it was a real object of importance.

Relative to the propofition for giving Ireland an export of woollen goods, all the natural rights of a people call for it, and it may be given them without the fmalleft danger of any lofs to us accruing from it. It is not to be fuppofed, that Ireland can rival us in thofe cloths which we export to her; because we can, and do, underfell the Irish fabrics in their own markets, though ours are loaded with the charge of fhipping, freight, commiffion, and a duty upon landing in Ireland; how, therefore, can it be poffible to fuppofe, that in fuch goods, when they meet at foreign markets, upon equal terms, those of Ireland should rival ours? They cannot do it at home upon unequal terms, certainly therefore not abroad upon an equality. Befides, there is the established capitals, fkill, &c. of this country, which they will be long, indeed, before they exceed. In addition to this circumstance alfo, it is to be recollected, that the price of wool in Ire land is ufually 158 16s. and 178.a ftone; whereas in England, at the fame periods, it is 9 s. or 10s.; but at present, in that kingdom, it is fo low as 8 s. and 9 s. If Ireland gets a woollen trade, it must be by rivalling France; and the will then, by

enriching herself, infallibly enrich us. Our exports of all forts to her, upon a medium of fix years, amount to two millions, of which woollen goods make about 200,000l. At all events the faët will be, that the fuperlucration of Irish wealth will centre in England as the feat of empire. His Lordship concluded this head with hoping, that no man would contend, that it was any object for m at this moment to attempt to cramp the trade of Ireland respecting the manu." facture of linens; he therefore moval, "That it is expedient to repeal fo much of any of the laws paffed in G. Britain, as prohibit the exportation from the kingdom of Ireland of all woollen ms nufactures whatsoever, or manufactures made up or mixed with wool or wo flocks."

Relative to the next propofition, c cerning glass, he fhould only obferve, that he believed it would be of little service ta Ireland, and of no harm to England. The Irish have two advantages; they ha kelp cheap, and, like all countries a much abounding in wealth, labour al but then, firing is so scarce, that it wi more than balance thofe; and there great reafon for the fuppofition, when c is known, that we export great qu'i of glafs to that kingdom; from wh we may fairly conclude, that the dange of rivalship is very fmall. He theref moved, "That it is expedient to repent fo much of an act 19° Geo. II. as relat to the exportation of glafs, glass bottin or glafs of any denomination whatsoeve from the kingdom of Ireland.”

The plantation-article is more car plex, he should therefore propofe the t preceding to be in one bill; but as t article must be much more minutely tended to, and demand, perhaps, one) information from Ireland, he should p pose it to be in a separate bill. The m great articles of import in which it wo be right to indulge the Irish, from usi importance to that people, are fugar a molaffes. But if duties are laid in I land anfwerable to thofe which fubfift. England, they will have thofe com dities dearer than at prefent. It is bo ever abfolutely neceffary, both in rea and policy, that thofe duties fhould laid; for the interefts of this count would not be fufficiently attended if Ireland were put upon a better foot in her American trade, than herk It is to be confidered, that her fitam

in the Atlantic is an object much fuperior to that of England, in point of freight, time, opportunity, and fafety in war: to add to all that more advantages than we have ourselves, cannot be thought of. The disadvantage of the duties will be made up in fome refpect by the free export to the colonies. She was reftrained in laft feffions, in hops, coals, hats, gunpowder, and fome other articles; it will certainly be thought right to repeal those restrictions.-He concluded with moving, "That it is expedient to allow the trade between Ireland and the British colonies in America and the Weft Indies, and the British fettlements on the coaft of Africa, to be carried on, in like manner, and subject to the fame regulations and restrictions, as it is now carried on between Great Britain and the faid colonies and fettlements; provided all goods and commodities of the growth, product, or manufacture, of fuch colonies and settlements, fhall be made liaole, by laws to be made in Ireland, to the same duties as the like goods are or may be liable to upon importation into Great Britain."

But, great as all these advantages are, he did not think they would fatisfy, if reland was not to receive them with a good mind, and in that old and wonted good-humour which has formed the eft bond of connection with this counry. If a contrary spirit should arife in hat country, which he trufted would not, he could only fay, that it would have very pernicious effects on this counry; and he was clear it would be the ibfolute ruin of that. He had taken every means to be informed, and from good information was perfuaded, that he Irifh would be fatisfied with thefe erms: he could not, however, abfolutey answer for it, but he had every reafon o believe it,

There are a few other trifles which it right to mention.-There is an act of arliament prohibiting the export of Brith coin to Ireland: A moft abfurd one; is of no confequence to either country, ut troublesome to individuals, who ave complained of it; this he fhould hove to repeal. Another thing that had more than once been mentioned to him as a drawback on hops exported to reland being taken off, which amounts o about 15,000l. a-year to our revenue. he Irish think it reasonable that that hould be laid as a duty in Ireland, and O to their own revenue; the thing

would be taking that fum from the treafury of this kingdom, and putting it into the exchequer of the other. It was not an object of confequence; however, he fhould not move it now. His Lordship concluded with hoping, that every gentleman was prepared to difcufs the fubject cordially but difpaflionately; avowing himfelf ready to give any explanation which might, in the courfe of the debate, be defired.

Mr Fox faid, neither he nor his friends would oppofe the propofitions; because adminiftration fhould not have it to fay, if they were unfatisfactory to Ireland, that they had been the cause of their mifcarriage: neither would he advance any thing in favour of them, because he was ignorant of the difpofition of Ireland refpecting them, and of the advantages that might arife to that country, or the difadvantages to this.

Sir William Meredith objected to the affertion, that Ireland would not gain much, and England would lofe little or nothing, by the free woollen trade; maintaining it to be inconfiftent; for that whatever was loft by England, must be a gain to Ireland. He would have proceeded to further animadverfions on the propofitions, but a contufed noife, which feemed to offend him, prevented it.

Lord North infifted, that there was every reason for afferting, that Ireland might gain greatly without England lofing any thing; that the industry of the two countries was not at all incompatible.-Of this the history of many countries gave the cleareft proof; but he fhould offer as an instance one which he believed would not be controverted:it was that of Scotland, a country, before the Union, more restricted and cramped than Ireland is now; yet the Union broke through all those restrictions, and laid open the trade of England to Scotland; the confequence was, the two kingdoms flourished together, and feem to grow in greatness proportionably to the advantages of each other.

Sir James Lowther advised poftponing finishing the bufinefs till after the holidays, that gentlemen might have time to confult their conftituents. He advifed the laying a tax of 3 s. in the pound upon the abfentees of Ireland, which would produce near 80,cool.; and he thought the King might pay the Irish penfions out of his civil lift.

Mr Dempfter highly applauded the propofitions