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ted afterwards, by the Executive Council, to return to New York, I have been told, that even when he was difmiffed, fame gentlemen of that board were of o pinion, that he was (as in fact he was) an emiffary from the British miniftry. When the Doctor returned, he carried with him letters, among others one for Gov. Johnftone. He declared he had got what he wanted by his journey. He dvifed the fending other emiffaries throughout thefe States, to discover the defigns and difpofitions of the people, ad the like. Gov. Johnstone, on the Doctor's complaining that this matter had not before been adopted, promised, that he would urge it to the British mitry. He advifed alfo, that Lt-Col. Conolly fhould be by all means fent to the affiftance of Col. Butler, and that they hould make a point of obtaining his releafe; and for that purpose, if it was refused, that they should call in all their prifoners who were out on parole; which they have actually fince done.

It may not be amifs here to give you the following fhort account. - The Doc. tor, on his return to New York, fell into company with a perfon going into the city on private bufinefs: he miftook this perfon for a friend of government, (as certain perfons call themfelves); and, arter landing at Staten island, fpoke his mind freely on the above, as well as other fubjects. This perfon afterwards lodged in the fame houfe with the Doctar, and heard his converfation with Gov. Johnstone. Particular circumstances forid my mentioning the name of this perfen at prefent; it is fufficient that the information was voluntarily given, and before feveral perfons of the firft rank and character in this city.

Now, then, my countrymen, let me fate in short the reafons for giving you thofe facts. I have thought, ever fince the violences and defpotifm of G. Britain firft drove the difpute to the iffue of arms, that an alliance with France was for your intereft and happinefs. I was, as far as in me lay, a willing inftrument to proote it. I now fee, what I have for me time fufpected, a defign to lead you into a breach of your national faith and Lonour, folemnly pledged, and thereby moit probably to the eventual lofs of that liberty which you have purchased at fo great an expence of blood and treasure. I fee alfo a defign to lay wafte your frontiers, by a moft cruel and barbarous war,

and to fix in the different capitals emissaries to betray your fecrets, and by every other means which either a cafual or defigning inattention to them may put in their power, to aid and bring about those defigns. Ithink it therefore my duty to put you on your guard.

When I mention, that the Hon. Arthur Lee, Eq; is your Commiffioner at the court of Madrid, and one of your Commiffioners at Verfailles, and the Hon. William Lee, Efq; your Commissioner at the court of Vienna, and your Commiffioner at the court of Berlin, (which courts are now actually at war with each other), and alfo that he is your Commercial Agent in Europe, and that they have two brothers in Congrefs, I do not speak from any pique against them: for although they are my perfonal, and lately my avowed enemies; yet their conduct on many occafions hath been fuch, that to honour them with the emotions of anger, would be degrading to that character which I hope always to maintain. My object is, merely to rescue your reputation. Foreigners are not perhaps fo clear-fighted as they ought to be, and cannot therefore difcern in thofe your Commiffioners that degree of merit which hath led your reprefentatives to confer on them fuch various and incompatible offices. And being equally ignorant of the wife and equitable manner in which your bufinefs is conducted, they rafhly conclude, that appointments, of which they cannot difcern the propriety, are to be attributed to the influence of intrigue and cabal. I have alfo a farther view in writing this letter: it is to put thofe gentlemen, who in fome inftances` have carried, not only their fufpicions, but their afperfions, gainft fome of your firmeft friends, very far, on their guard against those old obligations and attachments which may ruin your affairs, and to be particularly careful whom they recommend, and how; and would warn them, from past experience, against future danger, and intreat them, not too haftily, and too rafhly, to impart your fecrets to improper perfons: particularly, as G. Britain has not as yet acknowledged your independence, and offered a treaty, the cultivation of an intereft at that court cannot compenfate the facrifices which must be made to acquire it, — Lastly, my countrymen, whilst I reverence your unfufpecting confidence, I would inculcate on your minds the arti

fices of your foes, and lead you to beware, and be on your guard.

I am your friend and countryman, and I can fay, with truth and with pride, your faithful fervant, S. DEANE. Philadelphia, Nov. 1778.

"New York, Dec. 19. Richard-Henry Lee, a member of Congrefs, has published a piece in answer to Silas Deane's Addrefs to the citizens of America, wherein he requests the public to fufpend their decifion until the charges exhibited against his family are properly inveftiga ted. To this performance the faid Silas Deane has given a rejoinder, intimating, that the Congress being now difpofed to liften to his plaints, he has at prefent no occafion for the mediation of the people; and for that reason is under no neceffity to gratify the curiofity he has raised." An extract of a letter written by Gen. Lee [40.664.] to the People of America, in juftification of his own conduct.

That I have a very great opinion of the British troops, I make no fcruple to confefs; and unless I had this opinion of them, I do not fee what ground I could have for my eulogiums on American valour. This is a truth fimple and clear as the day. But be it as it will, it is now moft certain, let the courage and difcipline of the British troops be as great as imagination can paint, there is at prefent no danger from either the one or the other; the dangers that now threaten are from other quarters; from the want of temper, moderation, œconomy, wisdom, and decifion, amongst ourselves; from a childish credulity, and, in confequence of it, a promptnefs to commit acts of the higheft injuftice on those who have deferved beft at the hands of the community; but above all, from the dæmon of avarice and monopoly, now with his giant gait ftalking the continent, and devouring every thing that falls in his way; in fhort, from the direct oppofites to thofe qualities, virtues, and principles, without which it is impoffible that the mode of government eftablished should be fupported for the tenth part of a century.

"Philadelphia, Nov. 12. In the general affembly of Pennfylvania, on Tuesday laft, the following proceedings took place.

The committee appointed for the purpofe brought in a draught of refolves, expreffive of the fenfe of this Houfe re

fpecting the Manifefto and Proclamatio of the British Commiffioners [40. 607.] which being read, and confidered by p ragraphs, was unanimously agreed to follows.

"The Houfe having taken into the confideration a Manifefto and Proclam tion of the British Commiffioners, date at New York, the 3d day of October lal figned Carlisle, H. Clinton, William Ede came to the following unanimous refol tions, viz.

Ift, That the affertion contained in th faid Manifefto and Proclamation, of th Hon. Congrefs having no authority to r ject the propofitions which were made them by the faid Commiffioners witho a previous confultation of the respecti affemblies, either manifefts an infidion defign of dividing and difuniting the cit zens of thefe States, by mifreprefenting ti powers of Congrefs, or betrays an ign rance of the trust which the people of the United States repofe in that Honourab body, and of the powers with which the are vefted.

2d, That every part of the tranfaction of Congrefs with or relating to the Br tifh Commiffioners, is moft thorough approved of and applauded by th Houfe: That the Houfe rejects with i dignation the faid Manifefto and Procl mation; and will treat with the utmo contempt every offer which can be ma to feduce them from their independenc or their alliance with France."

Extract from Minutes,

JOHN MORRIS jun. Clerk of General Affembl

"Philadelphia, Sept. 9. Laft Saturda the court of oyer and terminer ended Gloucefter, Weft Jersey; when the fo lowing prifoners received fentence death for high treafon, viz. Harrife Wells, William Hammet, John Dilke Joshua Dilkes, Paterfon Cook, Thoma Nightingale, Ifaac Lord, David Lloy Gideon Urine, Abraham Fennemor James Birch, Daniel Fufman, Charl Stringe, Laurence Cox, John Frankli Frida Jofeph Dill, and Jofeph Pratt. the 29th of January next is appointed the day of execution." [40.662.]

Accounts of military operations mu be expected firft from the Weft Indies D'Eftaign failed thither from Boftor Nov. 3. with fifteen fhips; as did Byr from Rhode island, Dec. 13. with fhips of the line and five frigates.

ΝΕ

NEW BOOKS; with the Prices, Publish-
ers names, Remarks, and Extracts.
[The fignatures annexed, how to whom we are
indebted for the remarks, &c.; M. denoting the
Monthly, and C. the Critical Review; G.
the Gentleman's Magazine, &c.]

Confiderations on the present state of public
affairs, and the means of raising the ne-
affary Supplies. Is. Dodfley and Ca-
dell, London, and Creech, Edinburgh.
fenfible and moderate writer of
THE
thefe Confiderations, laid before the
public, laft year (40. 34.], the fentiments
be then entertained concerning our Ame-
rican affairs. As matters are now in a
very different fituation, he thinks it his
daty, in a crifis of fuch importance, and
Even danger, to contribute every thing in
his power to the public fervice, by gi-
ving his opinion upon a fubject, which,
he fays, muft have exercised the anxious
thoughts of the ablest men in the kingdom.
Mr Pulteney fets out with telling us,
that the great load of our public debt has
always appeared to him a millftone,
which, fooner or later, would endanger
almost the existence of this kingdom;
that he thought fo at the laft peace, and
faw with indignation the alarming addi-
tion that was then made to our ordinary
expences, commonly called our peace-
tablement; that he has great reafon to
peak confidently, when he fays, that the
enormous amount of our national debt
has been one of the chief caufes of the
American refiftance; and has, above all
other things, encouraged France to en-
gage in the prefent conteft; that it has
not only encouraged our enemies, and
depreffed our own minds, but that the
taxes upon many of the neceffaries of life
which it has occafioned, have cramped
the industry of our people, and thereby
diminished our power, as well as our im-
portance.

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He goes on to tell us, that as the congrefs is understood to have entered into a treaty, offenfive and defenfive, with our natural enemy, no option feems now to be left us, but either to proceed with the utmoft vigour in profecuting the war, or to fubmit, not only to the claim of American independence, but to fuch further conditions of peace as France and the Congress may think proper to impofe: for it is not to be imagined, he fays, that France, if we were ready to yield, would demand nothing for herfelf; or that the Congrefs would, in fuch a

cafe, cither difunite themselves from France, or be contented with the fimple acknowledgement of independence. Befides, it would be dishonourable, Mr P. obferves, in the highest degree, on our parts, to defert, unconditionally, thofe friends in America, who, from a sense of duty and allegiance, have hitherto stood firmly by us at the hazard of their lives and fortunes.

"In the prefent fituation of our affairs, those who are fufficiently detached from party-connections, and are influenced by no other motive than that intereft which all men have in the public profperity, are paturally led to confider, whether the object we are now contending for by the war deferves to be purfued; and if it does, whether or not it be attainable, and by what means.

The object now, I apprehend, is, to preferve fuch a connection with the colonies in North America, as to unite the force of the whole empire, in time of war, for the common fafety, fo that no one part may be thrown into the scale of a foreign enemy to the prejudice of the other part.

This object, it is imagined, will be attained, if the colonies acknowledge the fame king, which involves the power of peace and war, and the rights of mutual naturalization and fucceffion; and this point is at the fame time confiftent with the moft ample ideas of a free conftitution in each of the colonies, and even of a congrefs, in the nature of a general parliament, to take care of the general interefts of the whole. It is perfectly confiftent too with the idea of an exclufive power in the colony-affemblies and Congrefs to impofe taxes in that country, and of an exclufive power to vote the number of troops to be kept up in their respective provinces, fimilar to the controul of the British parliament upon the crown, with respect to troops in G. Britain; ftill more is it confiftent with the idea of their enjoying a trade, almost free from reftriction, not only to G. Britain, but to all parts of the world.

It is difficult to imagine what any reafonable man in the colonies can with for more; and if G. Britain were willing, as I hope fhe would be, to give, befides, a fhare in the general government of the empire to thefe colonies, by admitting reprefentatives from their refpective affemblies to a feat in the British house of Commons, and a vote in all questions, except as to taxes impofed here, it would

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feem to place the colonies in the happiest fituation that has ever fallen to the lot of any body of people fince the beginning of time. They would, I apprehend, derive every poffible advantage from fuch a connection, without any one difadvantage which it is poffible to conceive.

The whole force of G. Britain, and of its navy, would ferve to them as a protection and fupport; the great expence of the civil government here would fall entirely upon us, and they would be only obliged to defray the very moderate expence of their own internal governments; their trade would not only be free to this country, but would have a natural preference here, to that of other nations; the large capitals of the merchants of this country, would continue to fupport and extend their agriculture and improve ments of every kind; and, free from the rifk of internal difcords, or external annoyance, they would enjoy every privilege, pre-eminence, and advantage, of British fubjects.

try were made to believe, that, by the new conftitutions, the power would b placed in their hands; because ever perfon, it was faid, in any truft or authe rity, was to be chofen, directly or indi rectly, by them: but they have alread feen, that by laws made by their ow reprefentatives the right of voting can b altered and restrained, so as to model th elections according to the will of thei prefent rulers; and when to this infringe ment of their conftitutions the effects c French money fhall come to be added the power of the people will foon b found to be nothing but a phantom."

If danger to liberty were still to be af prehended by America, Mr Pultene confeffes, that it would admit of an a gument, whether the dangerous connet tion with France ought not to be risked as an option between two evils. But would be as reafonable, he fays, fc Scotland or Ireland to prefer a fimila connection with France, as it would no be for America. The renouncing G Britain, therefore, upon the terms nov propofed, appears to him to be the re nouncing of that which ought to be t America the object of her most earne withes. "It is," he fays, "to renounc their birthright for a mere phantom, an to throw away the most precious jewe to grafp with eagerness the most worth lefs ftone."

On the other hand, every power of injury, or of oppreffion, from hence, would be at an end. They would not truft to our virtue or good faith; for, by having the exclufive power of voting and levying their own money, and of regulating the number of their troops, the future government of America would be carried on by the confent of the people alone, He goes on to point out the conse and by the voice of the reprefentatives quences of giving way to the claims of chofen by them. The power of voting the Congrefs; confequences which, if hi their own money, and of regulating their opinion is well founded, must make eve military force, would involve a redrefs of ry friend to Britain tremble. Little every other poffible grievance: it is pre- doubt, therefore, he thinks, can re cifely the controul which the British par- main, that the object of compelling the liament has in this country over the difaffected part of the thirteen colonies crown, and for which our ancestors con- to embrace that fair and honourable contended fuccefsfully in the reign of nection which is now held out to them, Charles I. The removal of customhoufe- is not only defirable, but effentially neofficers named by the crown, the fecu- ceffary to our own exiftence as an inde rity of charters, the controul over judges pendent people. Perfons of all ranks, and governors, which they fo much de- he obferves, are interested in this; and fired, in fhort, every point from which however the heat of party, and former the leaft jealousy has ever arifen, would opinions, may for a time deceive a part naturally follow; nor would the Ameri- of this country, he is convinced, that cans have to dread their being involved in when they come to confider attentively the expence of our wars, fince it would the train of confequences neceffarily con be in their own power to refuse to connected with this object, they will forget tribute to that expence.

The body of the people in that counThis point, concerning reprefentation here, is of a delicate nature; but, under proper qualifications, I apprehend it would be advantageous to both countries.

their animofity, and unite in the proper meafures for preferving from fuch imminent danger the flate to which they belong.-GOD GRANT THEY MAY!

"It may be asked, What will remain to G. Britain after fo much is conceded

to the colonies? If all power of keep- the fisheries of Newfoundland, or ei ing troops in America is taken from the ther of the Floridas? Can we precrown, authority (it may be faid) will be at an end, and the Americans will in fact be independent without the name, with this manifeft difadvantage to G. Britain, that we must be involved in their quarrels as much as heretofore, without deriving any benefit from the connection, either in the way of exclufive trade, or of taxation.

But I conceive, that the fituation of G. Britain, upon the footing of the propofed connection with the colonies, would be fuch as we ought to defire, and would perhaps be better for both countries, our new debt excepted, than the boafted fituation before the commencement of the prefent conteft. By this fort of connection, every fource of jealoufy would for ever be removed, the people of America would be free from every apprehenfion of danger to liberty, their natural affection for a people from whom they are fprung, poffeffing the fame manners, language, religion, and laws, and having the fame common intereft, would certainly return. The connection arifing from our having the fame king, would unite us in the fame views; there would be no occafion for faction or intrigue to preserve that connection, for it would be impoffible for either party to with any improvement upon it. We fhould be relieved from the great expence which attended the keeping troops in that country, a meafure which could only be neceffary to enforce a government which the great body of the people disliked; all the expence of their civil government would be defrayed by the Americans themselves, and the profperity of America would be more than ever the intereft and the wish of this country. Her ports would be open to us, and in time of war would be open to us alone, at leaft not to our declared enemies.

On the other hand, if America is declared independent, or if by withdrawing our troops before a fair arrangement is made, the fhall become independent, will the not continue to aid France in the prefent war and is it not mot probable, that he will be thrown irretrievably into the feale of France? an alarming circumftance for all Europe, and particularly alarming for G. Britain, Holland, and Spain.-Can we, in that cafe, long preferve Canada, Nova Scotia, VOL. XLI.

terve our Weft-India islands? And if we were ready to give up the whole of these, as in that cafe perhaps in wifdom we ought, can we preferve the Eaft Indies, or the Guinea trade? If thefe too muft go, to what will G. Britain be reduced, or how long can fhe hope to preferve the empire of the fea, or even to fupport herfelfasan independent kingdom?

If it be faid, that by acknowledging the independency of America, peace will be immediately reftored, I would first afk, whether peace ought to be purcha fed at fuch a price, leaving America united to France? and I would again afk, upon what authority this fuppofition is founded? The Congrefs have not faid fo; they have only offered, if their independency is acknowledged, or our troops withdrawn, to treat with us upon fuch terms as are confiftent with treaties which they have made [40. 430.], but which they have not ventured to difclofe. Have they not kept an account of all the damages fuftained by the war? Have they not avowed the purpose of preferving fuch an account? And are we ready to pay for thefe damages? Have they given the leaft infinuation,

The maintaining diftant poffeffions, by a ftrong military force, in the face of a powerful enemy, where thefe poffeffions do not yield a revenue fufficient to defray the expence, muft end in the ruin of every corntry. The Spanish monarchy was not perhaps fo much debilitated by the lofs of the Seven United Provinces, as by the expence of maintaining thofe which adhered to her. Our remaining territories in North America could not be maintained, without a great force, any more than Newfoundland: And with refpect to our West-India islands, we could not bring home the produce in time of war, if America, poffeffed of a naval force, took part against us; because the winds and currents oblige our veffels, particularly thofe Mole is fortified, in returning from the Weftfrom Jamaica, now that Cape Nicholas India inlands, to rim along the American coaft; and as the islands themfelves could at any time be attacked from America before we could know of it here, we thou'd be obliged to waste our people, and exhaust our treafure, by keeping, at all times, a great military as well as naval force in thole unhea'thy climates, for their defence; with this new difadvantage, that the materials for our navy, and the provifions for the whole of our force, muft, in that cafe, be fent from Evrope. F

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