furrounding army, and the diffidence they have in our fupport, prevents that fpirit from breaking out in acts of hoftility against the congrefs and committees. We were more employed to restrain than encourage ouvert acts; because we knew, under the fecret orders, that no affistance could be given to fuch efforts, which therefore could only prove ruinous to well-affected, meritorious individuals. The Hon. Gentleman founds his ideas on what he has remarked in the proceedings of Congrefs refpecting me. I fhall ever think fuch a proceeding totally unworthy of fuch a body. Some gentlemen have prailed it as an excellent refined stroke of policy, to get rid of an embarraffing quetion about Gen. Burgoyne's troops. I again repeat, I difdain all that policy founded on injuftice and dishonour; the more artifice to avoid fair dealing, the more deteftable to me it is contempt ible in private life; where the dignity of a people is concerned, it is abominable meannefs, and muft end in the deftruction of those who practise it. The spirit of their enemies is raised by all fuch proceedings, their own is always depressed. Of all the mean and notorious breaches of public faith which have ever been practifed, of all the low chicane which has ever been used in the depravity of the Eaftern world, to avoid a folemn agreement, the different excufes offered by the congrefs are the most disgraceful to fociety. I know the moft zealous for the caule of independence difapprove of them: but America is governed now as England was, under a mock parlia ment, and committees of major-generals. I am not called upon to fay a word on this fubject; but I difdain difingenuity. The accufation ftated against me, with refpect to Gen. Jofeph Reed [40. 534.], as far as the tranfaction pretends having authority from me to make the offer, is falfe and injurious. It is indeed very cautioully worded, and only implies being done by my authority. This I deny; and I have perfect proof in my poffeffion, that Mr Reed never understood any mef fage or writing of mine as liable to that conftruction. While I fay this, I do not mean to disavow I have had tranfactions where other means befides perfuafion have been used. It was neceffary; in my fituation it can be no reproach. This of Mr Reed I deny; and I can prove, by indifputable evidence in my poffeffion, he did not understand any meffage from me in that light at the time, nor long fubfequent. The converfation is faid to have paffed on the 21st of June. The mutilated letters that are to help out this lame transaction were before Congress; the matter had been published in newspapers at that time, but not figned by Mr Reed, nor by William Henry Drayton. The congrefs take no notice of the bufinefs till the 11th of Auguft; then the indignation of that virtuous affembly rises. At the very moment they are about to evade a folemn engagement, and tranfmit their names with infamy to future ages, they have the assurance to talk of liberty and virtue. You, Sir, are well acquainted with the forms of public proceedings: you know that any declaration of Mr Reed, of what a woman unknown had faid to him, could not affect me. The congrefs, in this cafe, were bound to have obliged Mr Reed to have named the lady, and next to have brought that lady before them, to have heard her own ftory, with time, place, and circumftance. This fhould have been fent for my anfwer, and then they might have pronounced their folemn judgement : but they knew full well, that no lady whatsoever would avow any authority from me, and therefore they wifely concealed her name. Thofe gentlemen who are fo extremely exulting at the ill fuccefs of this commiffion, and plume themselves so much on their propofition for conceding independency lat year, fhould confider, if one of two events had fucceeded, the propofers of conceding American independency could not have appeared with equal favour before the public. I fhall fuppofe, that Adm. Keppel had actually beaten the Count d'Orvilliers, I mean deftroyed half his fleet; all circumftances confidered, the probabilities that he would have done fo were ten to one, from fo gallant an Admiral, and fo fuperior a force. I believe the Noble Admiral himself will not fay, that the probabilities are not ten to one, that he would deftroy the greatcit part of the fame fleet, if he was to meet them again, with the fame proportion of force. I am perfuaded it was owing to the accidents of wind and weather. I do not mean to throw the flighteft imputation of blame any where. I only fay, if d'Orvilliers had been deftroyed, and it was ten to one this would have happened, how would the promoters of a declaration of Ameri D 2 can can independency have looked then? or is there a member of this House who be lieves we should then have had any more agitation of that queftion? I fhall fuppofe again, that Adm. Byron's fquadron had not met with a storm, and had arrived in America within the ordinary time to have joined Lord Howe; can any one doubt, that his Lordship would have given a better account of Monf. d'Eftaign than is now published? And yet this fuccefs, and several other matters, were quite within the probability of ordinary events; and if any of them had happened, I believe this favourite topic of American independence would have been dormant in our days. Why then should we immediately defpond, give all up, and throw ourselves out of the wheel of fortune? Let us profit from the example of the Americans, in the low ftate of their affairs, before their fuccefs at Trenton. I am far from thinking the matter defperate, notwithstanding I admit that our mifmanagements will render great exertions neceffary. But you muft refolve, you must risk all, and determine to perfevere, before the inhabitants of America will have reliance on you. It is not faying, I will try this campaign, and recede the next. It must be known, for the encouragement of friends, and terror of foes, that you will die in the laft ditch. People who oppose my opinions, alledge I am fanguine and obftinate. I admit I am not easily difcouraged; and if I am fure of being in the right, I know too I am obftinate, or firm, whichever they please to call it, and I cannot be easily thaken. The maxim of dying in the last ditch, after every exertion has been made, is what I avow to be my principle. I do not foresee, if you recede here, at what point you will ftand. If you give up the thirteen provinces, will you contend for Canada? If it is anfwered, Yes; why then, I reply, It is better to know the gracious refolution of Congrefs in this refpect first, left one may have the troops to fend back, or recruit, at ten times the expence, when they are difperfed, or when half of them are dead. If it is faid, we will yield Canada too; then I afk, if we will yield Nova Scotia, and the fifheries, and Florida, and the Weft Indies? for they all hang together. Befides that, the moment you abandon New York and Rhode island, the American feas will fwarm with privateers, and you will not have a port to take felter in; fo that New York and Rhode island feer The Hon. Baronet behind me tells you, that 50,000 Ruffians would not now de the bufinefs; and yet he complains of the conciliatory propofitions propofed by the Noble Lord. Why, furely, if no force could do the business, there could be no harm at least in trying the mode of conceffion. But I am far from being of his opinion, that force, well applied, cannot effect it. He fays, the army were all disgufted at the conciliatory bills: at the fame moment he says, their force was infufficient to conquer the enemy. This was a little unreasonable in the army, to give it no harsher term. I cannot contradict what the Hon. Baronet afferts; but my obfervations on the army were very different. The army was indeed difgufted; but it was because they were not led against the enemy, then lying within twenty miles, whom they were confident they could conquer. "Lead us against the enemy," was the general with of foldier and officer; and indeed Sir, to the honour of the commander in chief who left them at Philadelphia, I am proud to declare, there never was fo excellent, fo beautiful, or fo well-appointed an army. The picked men for the French theatre were not equal, in grace and comeliness, to the worst of the light : Fight infantry. Such a body of chofen troops, I believe, never were collected together; and yet we have feen, from various caufes, what little benefit the nation has derived from them at the moment they were confident of victory they were ordered to retreat; and during all this fummer, and half the autumn, incurring the fame expence in the field, they have literally been doing nothing, when every man muft remark, that the time we fhould have acted with the ut mat vigour was at this very period when we have been idle. To determine what now should be done, requires a greater compafs of information than I can boaft. To judge of the question, one should know the ftate and difpofition of Holland, of the Northern powers, of Portugal, the refources of France, the difpofition and force of Spain, the various refources of this country, as well as the difficulties to encounter in America: with these first I am not fufficiently acquainted to pronounce pofitively; but this I know for certain, that the greater the exertions we make ourselves, the more we shall be respected by others; and the more we affift ourselves, the more ready others will be to give us their affitance. caufe [40. 461.]. Nothing lefs than 25,000 troops, exclufive of thofe in Canada and Halifax, will prove sufficient; with that number we may expect fuccefs; a lefs number will render the decision tedious, doubtful, and hazardous. The people of the country, after what has happened, will hardly derive confidence from a smaller army to induce them to join us. Those who possess the present returns of the army, and know what numbers may have been ordered away to other fervices, will know the number wanted; I guefs about 9000 men. To keep New York and Rhode island, as the Hon. Baronet proposes, on a defenfive plan, does not appear eligible to me. If we cannot meet the army of the enemy in the field, it will require many troops, a confiderable marine force, and very expenfive fortifications, to hold New York. I believe, by fortifying the gorge at Fort Kniphaufen, by fortifying the heights of Brooklyn, by fortifying Paulus Hook, and the heights of the Narrows upon Staten island, it might be defended by 8000 men, together with the inhabitants; always retaining in the harbour five frigates, and three armed veffels, and three galleys. Thefe fortifications would coft at least 500,000 1. and the object would ftill be precarious. Why the Hon. Gentleman fhould recommend an offenfive war in Europe, and a defenfive war in America, I cannot conceive. It feems to me more neceffary in the laft place than in the other. At all events, I would form fome certain fteady plan, fuch as the inhabitants might rely upon. If they fee they can depend upon you, they will foon return to their allegiance, and their old government. If they fee you weak and wavering, they are a fhrewd, cunning, fenfible people, - they will avoid you like peftilence. Upon the whole, I acknowledge our fituation extremely perilous: the difficulties we have to contend with are great; but it is on fuch occafions that the noble qualities of man, perfeverance, fortitude, and love of our country, fhine in their greateft luftre. Let us not imagine, that thofe who oppofe us are without difficulties; the contentions, divifions, and sufferings, among the Americans, are greater than our imagination can reach in the ftate of affluence in which we live. They would have been greater ftill, if they had not been checked by our bad conduct and timidity. Their divifions, Sir, I affure The nation is far richer at this period than at the beginning of last war; and our warlike operations were then much more extenfive in Germany, the Eaft Indirs, Portugal, North America, and the Weft Indies. I admit that our public funds are now more embarrassed; but the means of taxation is alfo more ample from the increased wealth of the country. But I defpair of the prefent minifters being able to draw forth those resources, even if they were to reform, or become more enlightened; they have fo loft the confidence of the people, by fuch a feries of mifmanagement and neglect, that they never can recover the public good opinion. On the other hand, as I faid before, thofe men who may fucceed them, according to my conception of things, are defirous to yield up all that is worth contending for, without any ftruggle worthy of our ancient fame. In fuch a fituation, it is difficult how to act, or what to with. I am clear, if we do not mean to purfue the object with determired firmness, and fuitable exertions, we had better abandon it at once, and make the beft terms we can for the miferable inhabitants who have adhered to our you, Some time ago a Noble Lord offere what he called, a conciliatory plan, giving up the ground of the war, tax tion. But the very day after he had m ved his propofition, he himself pledg his honour to a worthy country gentl man, that he would revive taxation ov America, and tax them to fome purpos the moment he had it in his power. T next thing was the conciliatory bill, whi was fo managed, as to prove in its eve not conciliatory, but incendiary. It w blafted before it left thefe walls. was never thought of; divifion w pointed out, and hoped for, as the b effect of the bills; and the principle unconditional fubmiffion, not reliquif ed, but the impotence of enforcing confeffed with forrow and reluctanc The very words of the treasury-ben were, that the bills might at least weak the power, and counteract the views, the American leaders. Pea you, are as great as thofe of the House their own fafety and their own profpe of Commons of England; and what ty in too juft a light, to prefer the pr ftronger picture can I draw of difunion? tection of France to that of their pare Those who are so uneafy at the reception country. But he defired the House the commiffioners received, fhould recol- recollect the language that had been he lect the reception the Count d'Eftaign and the means that had been used, to pr and his failors met with [40. 603.] at cure peace. Boston. The firft was the political anfwer of a body whofe interefts and ambition are undoubtedly opposed to that of the people they govern; the other was the indignant, fpontaneous paffions of the people themfelves; the Houfe will judge to which of the two moft weight fhould be given. Before I fit down, I muft repeat again, that in what I have faid about the operation of our fleets, I did not mean by my argument to throw any blame upon any military officer whatever but I do blame adminiftration for not fending out Adm. Byron fooner; they had the intelligence in April, he did not fail till June. It was clear from M. Gerard, the ambaffador to the States, being on board, and Mr Dean, a member of the congrefs, and having alfo large quantities of goods for America, that the Toulon fleet was bound to fome port in that continent. If, therefore, five or fix fhips had been immediately sent off, (as the admiralty muft have known Lord Howe's fleet was collected, from the orders about La Motte Piquet, and the fecret expedition), upon fuch a junction his Lordfhip would have then certainly been fuperior to D'Eftaign. But I am told, that the reafon of this delay arofe from want of ftores; and that we were obliged to unreeve the running rigging of the fhips at Spithead, to fit out Adm. Byron's fquadron. If this is true, it is a melancholy tale indeed, after all our boafted preparations in the beginning of the year, and the immenfe fums voted by parliament; and demands an inquiry more than any other fubject. Rt Hon. Sir William Meredith agreed with Gov. Johnftone, in thinking the independence of America, confidering it in the light of a total feparation of intereft and connection with Britain, was an event to be equally dreaded by both countries. But if confidence in govern ment could be reftored; if fair, friendly, affectionate, honeft terms, were offered, would but the father of his people once run to meet them, would the people themfelves extend a brother's arm to receive them, he had no doubt, but they would view When the commiffioners went, the errand was imputed, however unjur and erroneously, to be a completion this defign, not to unite America wi England, but to break and divide t congress among themselves, and to effe tuate that divilion by bribery. Nor w any ceffation of hottilities proclaime but burning and defolating, killing at flaying, are ftill to go hand in hand wi this treaty. All the means, then, to pr cure peace hitherto, have been fire ar fword, falfehood and (as the America were told, though falfely told) corru tion. From thefe feeds, true mercy ar reconcilement can never grow; and trut liberty, and juftice, are the only mean under heaven, to establish peace on eart! and good-will towards men. But tho means are ftill to be tried. He was fraid, he said, these minifters would ne employ them, nor would credit be give to their profeffions fhould they mak them. He opposed the address. Lord North accounted for the late de parture of Adm. Byron's fleet, by faying there were informations which made doubtful, whether the Toulon fleet wa intended for America; and if fo large fleet as Byron's had been fent out be for fore the deftination of d'Eftaign's had been certainly known, France might have altered her plan, and have attacked some part of G. Britain or Ireland. He said, the Americans had now been offered every thing they could expect; the terms were very liberal: but to have detached them from their alliance with France, and to have reunited them to us, the price was not too high; though paying their debts was not one conditot, as an Hon. Gentleman had obfervid. With respect to evacuating Philadelphia, it was judged proper to diminish the extent of our lines, and to collect our forces within narrow bounds; Pennfylvenia, New York, and Rhode island, could not all be covered at the fame time; it was therefore thought beft to Atation the army at New York. could take no poffible part that did not subject him to ill-will from various quar ters; that, in particular, he had to ex-' pect the full vengeance of men in power, to complete the facrifice they had begun, if he took part against their measures, and at the fame time he was compelled by his confcience not to fupport them; that his concurrence in the propofed amendment was unavoidable, because it went to inquiry; and he complained of being precluded from professing his duty in the royal prefence. Ld G. Germaine ftated the General's preclufion from court as a matter of course pending an inquiry; and his Lordship remarked, that the General had no great cause to complain of intentional hard treatment, as an order which had been fent him to return to his poft when his health would permit, had not been enforced, notwithThere were feveral other speakers in ftanding he feemed to be in perfect health. this debate. Mr Rice thought an in--Col. Barré made a long speech; he quiry neceffary, but did not approve of was fucceeded by Mr Rigby, and Mr T. its being included in the addrefs.- Mr Townshend clofed the debate. The Fenton faid, the navy was by no means Houfe grew clamorous for the queftion; in a bad ftate. Sir John Wrottefley which being put at half after two o'clock could not give his approbation to a war in the morning, the numbers were, for with America. All that could be done, the amendment 107, against it 226. be faid, had been done, If 50,000 Ruffians were fent, they could do nothing. He thought New York, Rhode island, and Halifax, fhould be garrifoned, and the rest of the army brought away. He reprobated the terms offered by the commiffioners.-The Hon. James Luttrell fnd, that Dominica was a very heavy lofs to this country; and that the only conqueft we had made was the little, paltry, fmuggling islands, St Pierre and Miquelen, which produce nothing but rocks and dwarf fpruce trees. In the prefent desperate fituation of affairs, he thought it was a time to open the eyes of our deloded fovereign, and not to flatter him. It is our duty to advife him to place at the helm of ftate men of found abilities and ftrict integrity. He trufted that fuch minifters might be found; at least the hope thould prevent him from fupportg the worst minifters that ever governed G. Britain. He was for the amendment. Mr Burrel approved of the amendment. The Attorney General [Mr Wedderburne] thought the Houfe ought to be unanimous in profecuting the war with America.— Ld Howe said, he fhould vote for the address, as it did not preclude an inquiry. Gen. Burgoyne faid, that in perfonal confideration he Anecdote of Mr Necker, the prefent able and public-fpirited financier of France. A Little time before the lying-in of the Queen of France, her Majefty, defirous, from a principle of real honour, to difcharge fome private debts to the amount of 1,500,000 livres, that she might leave no ftain upon her credit should her lying-in prove fatal, fent one morning for Mr Necker, and requefted of him, that he would affift her with the fum, and foift it into the public accounts. Mr Necker, whofe own fortune is estimated at five millions of livres, felt for the honour of his royal miftrefs, and presently told her, that the money fhould be inftantly procured for her, though it should neither come from, nor be placed to, the ftate. Accordingly, in lefs than an hour, the money was advanced her Majesty out of his own private eftate. The Queen, understanding this, was fo ftruck with the generofity of the action, that she laid the whole affair before the King; who immediately fent for Mr Necker, and thanked him moft affectionately for his noble conduct, directing him at the fame time to reimburse himself out of the public treasury. AME |