and appointments of suitable commanders were

necessary.

Mr. CHAMPLIN also spoke in favor of the bill, and in favor of its commitment for an earlier day. Mr. CLAIBORNE could not think the gentleman (Mr. PARKER) sincere in his professions that the army was not necessary, when he perceived that every motion to reduce the army, which by other gentlemen was thought absolutely necessary, had as uniformly been opposed by that gentleman. Mr. C. said he did not look forward to a period when the navy as well as the army would be unnecessary. This appointment might take place at any time when there should be necessity of it; and, therefore, as it was not pretended the 74's could be built before the next session, it would then be time enough to think of voting these officers.

The SPEAKER said that it was unknown in the Parliamentary proceedings of any country

that the merits of a bill were discussed on a

motion for postponement; he must therefore say that any discussion on the bill was out of order, and that gentlemen must confine themselves merely on the question of the day this

bill should be made the order for.

[APRIL, 1800.

than Freeman, Henry Glenn, Chauncey Goodrich, Elizur Goodrich, Roger Griswold, Robert Goodlos Harper, Benjamin Huger, James H. Imlay, Henry Lee, Silas Lee, Samuel Lyman, Lewis R. Morris, Robert Page, Josiah Parker, Thomas Pinckney, Jonas Platt, Leven Powell, John Read, John Rutledge, jun., Samuel Sewall, James Sheafe, William Shepard, George Thatcher, John Chew Thomas, Richari Thomas, Robert Waln, Lemuel Williams, and Heury Woods.

The bill was then made the order for to

morrow.

FRIDAY, April 25.

Congress Library.

Mr. DENNIS said that by the act passed the present session, further to provide for the removal and accommodation of the Government of the United States, a sum not exceeding procuring a Library. In order to carry that $5,000 was appropriated for the purpose of provision into execution, he would move the following resolution:

tive thereto."

The question was put, "Is the decision of the Chair right?" and carried-yeas 65.

Mr. SMITH said he should vote for this bill being the order for December next, but if the 74's were then ordered to proceed, he should vote for this bill, if then proposed.

The yeas and nays were taken on the question, "Shall this bill be postponed til the first Monday in December next?" and decided in the negative-yeas 44, nays 45, as follows:

YEAS.-Willis Alston, Theodorus Bailey, Phanuel Bishop, Robert Brown, Samuel J. Cabell, Matthew Clay, William C. C. Claiborne, John Condit, Thomas T. Davis, John Dawson, Joseph Eggleston, Lucas Elmendorph, John Fowler, Albert Gallatin, Andrew Gregg, William Barry Grove, John A. Hanna, Joseph Heister, David Holmes, George Jackson, James Jones, Michael Leib, Matthew Lyon, James Linn, Nathaniel Macon, Peter Muhlenberg, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Joseph H. Nicholson, Abraham Nott, John Randolph, John Smilie, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Richard Stanford, David Stone, Thomas Sumter, Benjamin Taliaferro, John Thompson, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, Joseph B. Varnum, and Robert Williams.

NAYS.-George Baer, Bailey Bartlett, James. A. Bayard, Jonathan Brace, John Brown, Christopher G. Champlin, William Cooper, Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport, Franklin Davenport, John Dennis, George Dent, Joseph Dickson, William Edmond, Thomas Evans, Abiel Foster, Dwight Foster, Jona

This motion was agreed to, and Messrs. WALS, EVANS, and POWELL, appointed.

SATURDAY, April 26. Slave Trade.

The House resolved itself into a committee on the bill from the Senate, in addition to the act, entitled "An act prohibiting the carrying on the slave trade from the United States to any foreign place or country."

Mr. J. BROWN said, when the motion was first laid on the table, he thought it improper to prevent the citizens of the United States enjoying the benefits of a trade enjoyed by all the European nations. He really was in hopes that the good sense of the select committee would have permitted them to have seen the policy of realizing the act in question. Many members of the House, he observed, knew how the former act was passed; they knew that Congress was drilled into it by certain persons who would not take no for an answer. It was well known that the Abolition Society, otherwise the Society of Friends, as they were called, were very troublesome until they got that act passed. It was also well known that those people did not do much to support the Government, but that they did as much as they could to stop the measures of the Government, and particularly our defensive system, on which our national security depended.

Mr. NICHOLAS asked whether it was in order to abuse any class of citizens in this manner, and particularly since no motion was before the committee?

The CHAIRMAN said he conceived the gentle- | man to be in order, since he supposed he was about to make a motion affecting the principle of the bill.

Mr. BROWN resumed. He was only speaking, agreeably to his information, how this bill came originally into existence. He was certain that this nation having an act against the slave trade, did not prevent the exportation of a slave from Africa. He believed we might as well, therefore, enjoy that trade, as to leave it wholly to others. It was the law of that country to export those whom they held in slavery who were as much slaves there as those who were slaves in this country-and with as much right. The very idea of making a law against this trade, which all other nations enjoyed, and which was allowed to be very profitable, was ill policy. He would further say that it was wrong, when considered in a moral point of view, since, by the operation of the trade, the very people themselves much bettered their condition. It ought to be a matter of national policy, since it would bring in a good revenue to our Treasury. It was not pleasing to him, Mr. B. said, to pay an interest of 8 per cent. for our loan: rather than borrow money, he would wish to be paying off some of our old standing debt, which could be done by increasing our commerce, or rendering it free. He wished it to be free as the wind that blew-from one end of the world to the other. As he observed before, he believed not one more slave would be exported from Africa, while our merchants and our revenue would enjoy the benefit.

Mr. B. said, our distilleries and manufactories were all lying idle for want of an extended commerce. He had been well informed that on those coasts New England rum was much preferred to the best Jamaica spirits, and would fetch a better price. Why should it not be sent there, and a profitable return be made? Why should a heavy fine and imprisonment be made the penalty for carrying on a trade so advantageous?

But, he observed, if it was thought advisable that the old act should continue, he would wish it could be made to meet the purpose altogether, and prevent the system of slavery entirely, so that equal advantages might be given to all the inhabitants of the Union; without this, it would, as it ever had been, remain a great disadvantage. He therefore moved that the committee rise, in order to postpone the bill. He believed the House would be better prepared to meet it in a few days.

Mr. NICHOLAS seconded the motion, not but that he was prepared to decide on it, but that there might be opportunity given to express an opinion. He really could not understand the gentleman, when he said that our people being employed in that trade would not add nor diminish the number exported. This was certainly a wrong calculation. These people were enslaved for their masters, or to supply some foreign market. Certainly if the number of purchasers were increased, the number of slaves

[H. or R.

would be increased. Surely the gentleman would not wish them brought into the United States when he talked of their condition being improved; this was a fact, to be sure, but would it be policy so to do?

But another and an important point was touched upon-that he would wish the law to be made to meet another object, if it was determined to prohibit the trade in this country. As a Southern man, Mr. N. said, he would observe that he was placed in a most unfortunate situation, indeed, in being obliged, in common with other people of those States, to keep men in a state of slavery: but he had the consolation to inform the House, that he believed the people of the Southern States were wiping off the stain entailed upon them by their predecessors, in endeavoring to ameliorate the situation of that race of people as much as possible. This appeared to be an increasing disposition. He hoped the gentleman would have an opportunity to produce all his arguments on this subject, in his endeavors either to get the law repealed or to strengthen it, agreeably to his wish, in order that he might be satisfied that he would not find an advocate in the House.

Mr. D. FOSTER spoke against the committee rising.

Several sections of the bill were then gone through with, when the committee rose, and obtained leave to sit again.

MONDAY, April 28.

The Slave Trade.

Mr. RUTLEDGE moved that the Committee of the Whole, to whom were referred the bill for preventing the carrying on the slave trade, &c., be discharged from further consideration thereof. He conceived it to be one of the most defective bills that ever was before Congress, because the object intended was in nowise provided for, or utterly impracticable.

Mr. BAYARD was of the same opinion. He had taken some pains to examine the bill, but was obliged to conclude it extremely imperfect. The objects of the former bill, and which was intended to be improved, were, to prevent the citizens of the United States having any right in vessels so employed; and also to prevent the citizens of the United States being employed on board any such vessels. He trusted that a great majority of the members of the House would be in favor of those principles, and effectually promote them. It would indeed be extremely dishonorable in a country like this, to affirm such a trade, so contrary to all those principles held dear in the United States, and which ought to be promoted. His desire was, that a bill should be constructed upon the true principles of the intent of Congress: so far he thought they might go, but no farther. To be sure, as the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. J. BROWN) observed, the Government could derive revenue from the encouragement of this trade, but he thought a more dishonorable item of revenue could not be established.

H. OF R.]

The committee was discharged. Mr. BAYARD then moved that the bill should be referred to a select committee.

Mr. RUTLEDGE hoped this would not be agreed to; he was not disposed at this late day of the session to take up any new business that was not of urgency. He thought it was perfectly unnecessary to make a new act upon the subject; he believed the former act did every thing that was necessary or practicable to be done. What more could be wanted than that persons engaged in this traffic should forfeit their ships and pay a fine, besides, in many instances, imprisonment of the person offending? Surely that was all the occasion required. The different States which had heretofore imported those people into the United States had established the policy not to import any more; but in addition to this willing restriction, the Federal Government thought proper to prevent the trade being carried on, by our ships, to those countries which did suffer their importation. This was going very far indeed, but so far it was thought proper to go, to furnish a peace-offering to those philanthropists whose urgency was great to accomplish the general destruction of the trade. However, the activity of the people of the four New England States first engaged them in this profitable traffic;, their produce would bring a good price on the African coast, and why they might not enjoy the profit of it as well as the English he could not conceive. He believed it to be impossible effectually to prevent it. Some gentlemen, indeed, had talked of authorizing our cruisers to seize vessels of this kind, but, suppose they were confiscated, what was to be done with their cargoes? They could not be brought into the United States. Where could they be carried? It was not consistent with the policy of the West India Islands to suffer them to land there, since it was their practice to keep these people in bondage, and they did not want, nor could they suffer free men to inundate those colonies. He knew of no place where they could be landed but St. Domingo, and as these people would not have been of those who had procured the freedom of slaves there were not of those who had spread devastation and murder throughout that island, it was probable they would spurn them from their shores. What then was to be done with them? Surely no gentleman would wish them to be drowned, and it would be as absurd to think of sending them back to Sierra Leone! These difficulties he thought insuperable.

Mr. WALN hoped the bill would be committed, and that the provisions of it would be made effectual to its object. As for the people of Pennsylvania, he believed he could say they were unanimously in favor of the trade being put an end to most completely; which was in nowise done by the law now in force, nor by the bill now proposed. He said it was well known, that great grievances did exist for want of the due execution of the law, and much greater than were generally known, and hence

[MAY, 1800.

Military Academy, &c.

Mr. EGGLESTON said, since he found the House so much disposed to prepare for the close of the session by postponing unnecessary business, he would move that the bill for establishing a Military Academy, and for the better organization of the corps of Artillerists and Engineers, be postponed till the first Monday in December next.

After some observations against the motion, by Messrs. PARKER, CHAMPLIN, and H. LEE, and in favor of it by Messrs. EGGLESTON and SHEPARD, it was carried—yeas 64, nays 23.

Treaty with Great Britain.

The House went into a committee on the bill for the execution of the 27th article of the Treaty with Great Britain.

A motion of Mr. NICHOLAS was under consideration, that no person whose case was cognizable in any of our courts should be delivered up. This caused a lengthy debate; it was advocated by Messrs. S. SMITH, NICHOLSON, and GALLATIN, and opposed by Messrs. BAYARD, DANA, and DENNIS. It was negatived 45 to 42. After which the committee rose, obtained leave to sit again, and the House adjourned.

TUESDAY, April 29.

An engrossed bill to promote the manufacture of sheet copper within the United States, by incorporating a company for carrying on the same, was read the third time, and passed.

THURSDAY, May 1.

Appropriation for holding Indian Treaties.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the report of the committee to whom was referred, on the seventh of March last, the petition of William Hill and others, and, after some time spent therein, the