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Relations with France.

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loan certain sums for the purpose of making the customary distributions in diplomatic affairs." The person of note mentioned in the minutes, who had the confidence of the Directory, he said, before us all, was M. Talleyrand. The amount of the loan he could not ascertain precisely, but understood it would be according to our ability to pay. The sum which would be considered as proper, according to diplomatic usage, was about twelve hundred thousand livres. He could not state to us what parts of the President's speech were excepted to, but said he would inquire and inform us. He agreed to breakfast with Mr. Gerry the morning of the 21st, in order to make such explanations as we had then requested, or should think proper to request; but, on the morning of the 20th, M. X. called, and said that M. Y., the confidential friend of M. Talleyrand, instead of communicating with us through M. X., would see us himself and make the necessary explanations. We appointed to meet him the evening of the 20th at seven o'clock, in General Marshall's room. At seven, M. Y. and M. X. entered; and the first mentioned gentleman, being introduced to us as the confidential friend of M. Talleyrand, immediately stated to us the favorable impression of that gentleman towards our country-impressions which were made by the kindness and civilities he had personally received in America. That, impressed by his solicitude to repay these kindnesses, he was willing to aid us in the presont negotiation by his good offices with the Directory, who were, he said, extremely irritated against the Government of the United States, on account of some parts of the President's speech, and who had neither acknowledged nor received us, and consequently have not authorized M. Talleyrand to have any communications with us. The minister therefore could not see us himself, but had authorized his friend M. Y. to communicate to us certain propositions, and to receive our answers to them; and to promise, on his part, that if we would engage to consider them as the basis of the proposed negotiation, he would intercede with the Directory to acknowledge us, and to give us a public audience. M. Y. stated to us explicitly and repeatedly, that he was clothed with no authority; that he was not a diplomatic character; that he was not **** he wased on receiving from us the same respect with which only the friend of M. Talleyrand, and trusted by him; that, with regard to himself, he had * and he earnestly wished well to the United States.

sidered as the admitted basis of the proposed treaty, M. Talleyrand trusted that, by his influence with the Directory, he could prevail on the Government to receive us. We asked whether we were to consider it as certain, that, without a previous stipulation to the effect required, we were not to be received. He answered that M. Talleyrand himself was not authorized to speak to us the will of the Directory, and consequently could not authorize him. The conversation continued until half after nine, when they left us; having engaged to breakfast with fr. Gerry the next, morning.

On reading the speech (Mr. Adams' to Congress,) M. Y. dilated very much upon the keenness of the resentment it had produced, and expatiated largely on the satisfaction he said was indispensably necessary as a preliminary to negotiation. "But, said he, gentlemen, I will not disguise from you that this satisfaction being made, the essential part of the treaty remains to be adjusted; il faut de l'argentil faut beaucoup d'argent;" you must pay money, you must pay a great deal of money. He spoke much of the force, the honor, and the jealous republican pride of France; and represented to us strongly the advantage which we should derive from the neutrality thus to be purchased. He said that the receipt of the money might be so disguised as to prevent its being considered as a breach of neutrality by England; and thus save us from being embroiled with that power. Concerning the twelve hundred thousand livres little was said; that being completely understood, on all sides, to be required for the officers of the Government, and, therefore, needing no further explanation. These propositious, he said, being con

October the 21st, M. X. came before nine o'clock; M. Y. did not come until ten: he had passed the morning with M. Talleyrand. After breakfast the subject was immediately resumed. He represented to us, that we were not yet acknowledged of received; that the Directory were so exasperated against the United States, as to have come to a determination to demand from us, previous to our reception, those disavowals, reparations, and explanations, which were stated at large last evening. He said that M. Talleyrand and himself were extremely sensible of the pain we must feel in complying with this demand; but that the Directory would not dispense with it; that, therefore, we must consider it as the indispensable preliminary to obtain our reception, unless we could find the means to change their determination in this particular; that if we satisfied the Directory in these particulars, a letter would be written to us to demand the extent of our powers, and to know whether we were authorized to place them precisely on the same footing with England. We required an explanation of that part of the conversation, in which M. Y. had hinted at our finding means to avert the demand concerning the President's speech. He answered, that he was not authorized to state those means, but that we must search for them and propose them ourselves. If, however, we asked his opinion as a private individual, and would receive it as coming from him, he would suggest to us the means which, in his opinion, would succeed. On being asked to suggest the means, he answered, money; that the Directory were jealous of its own honor and of the honor of the nation; that it insist

we had treated the King; that this honor must be maintained in the manner before required, unless we substituted, in the place of these reparations, something, perhaps more valuable, that was money. He said, further, that if we desired him to point out the sum which he believed would be satisfactory, he would do so. We requested him to proceed; and he said that there were thirty-two millions of florins, of Dutch inscriptions, worth ten shillings in the pound, which might be assigned to us at twenty shillings in the pound; and he proceeded to state to us the certainty that, after a peace, the Dutch Government would repay us the money; so that we should ultimately lose nothing, and the only operation of the measure would be, an advance from us to France of thirty-two millions, on the credit of the Government of Holland. We asked him whether the fifty thousand pounds sterling as a douceur to the Directory, must be in addition to this sum. He answered in the affirmative. We told him that, on the subject of the treaty, we had no hesitation in saying that our powers were ample; that, on the other points proposed to us, we would retire into another room, and return in a few minutes with our answer.

We committed immediately to writing the answer

Relations with France.

He spoke of the respect which the Directory required, and repeated that it would exact as much as was paid to the ancient kings. We answered that America had demonstrated to the world, and especially to France, a much greater respect for her present Government than for her former monarchy: and that there was no evidence of this disposition which ought to be required, that we were not ready to give. He said that we should certainly not be received; and seemed to shudder at the consequences. We told him, that America had made every possible she was still making them, that if France would not hear us, but would make war on the United States, nothing remained for us but to regret the unavoidable necessity of defending ourselves. [Oct. 22.

No. 2.

we proposed, in the following words: "Our powers nations, concerning the President's speech. We told respecting a treaty are ample; but the proposition him that we supposed it to be impossible that either of a loan, in the form of Dutch inscriptions, or in he, or the Minister, could imagine that such a proany other form, is not within the limits of our in- position could require an answer; that we did not structions; upon this point, therefore, the Govern-understand it as being seriously expected; but merement must be consulted; one of the American Min-ly as introductory to the subjects of real consideration. isters will, for the purpose, forthwith embark for America; provided the Directory will suspend all further captures on American vessels; and will suspend proceedings on those already captured, as well where they have been already condemned, as where the decisions have not yet been rendered; and that where sales have been made, but the money not yet received by the captors, it shall not be paid until the preliminary questions, proposed to the Ministers of the United States, be discussed and decided;" which was read as a verbal answer, and we told them they might copy it if they pleased. M. Y. re-effort to remain on friendly terms with France-that fused to do so; his disappointment was apparent; he said we treated the money part of the proposition as if it had proceeded from the Directory; whereas, in fact, it did not proceed even from the Minister, but was only a suggestion from himself, as a substitute to be proposed by us, in order to avoid the painful acknowledgment that the Directory had determined to demand of us. It was told him that we understood that matter perfectly; that we knew the proposition was in form to be ours; but that it came substantially from the Minister. We asked what had led to our present conversation? And General Pinckney then repeated the first communication from M. X., (to the whole of which that gentleman assented, and we observed that those gentlemen had brought no testimonials of their speaking any thing from authority; but that, relying on the fair characters they bore, we had believed them when they said they were from the Minister, and had conversed with them, in like manner, as if we were conversing with M. Talleyrand himself; and that we could not consider any suggestion M. Y. had made as not having been previously approved of; but yet, if he did not choose to take a memorandum in writing of our answer, we had no wish that he should do so; and further, if he chose to give the answer to his proposition the form of a proposition from ourselves, we could only tell him that we had no other proposition to make, relative to any advance of money on our part; that America had sustained deep and heavy losses by the French depredations on our commerce, and that France had alleged so [many] complaints against the United States, that on those subjects we came fully prepared, and were not a little surprised to find France unwilling to hear us; and making demands upon us which could never have been suspected by our Government, and which had the appearance of our being the aggressing party. M. Y. expressed himself vehemently on the resentment of France; and complained that, instead of our proposing some substitute for the reparations demanded of us, we were stipulating certain conditions to be performed by the Directory itself; that he could not take charge of such propositions; and that the Directory would persist in its demand of those reparations which he at first stated. We answered that we could not help it; it was for the Directory to determine what course its own honor and the interests of France required it to pursue; it was for us to guard the interest and honor of our country. M. Y. observed that we had taken no notice of the first proposition, which was to know whether we were ready to make the disavowal, reparations, and expla

OCTOBER 27, 1797. About twelve we received another visit from M. X. He immediately mentioned the great event announced in the papers, and then said, that some proposals from us had been expected on the subject on which we had before conversed: that the Directory were becoming impatient, and would take a decided course with regard to America, if we could not soften them. We answered, that on that subject we had already spoken explicitly, and had nothing further to add. He mentioned the change in the state of things which had been produced by the peace with the Emperor, as warranting an expectation of a change in our system; to which we only replied, that this event had been expected by us, and would not, in any degree, affect our conduct. M. X. urged, that the Directory had, since this peace, taken a higher and more decided tone with respect to us, and all other neutral nations, than had been before taken; that it had been determined, that all nations should aid them, or be considered and treated as their enemies. We answered, that such an effect had already been contemplated by us, as probable, and had not been overlooked when we gave to this proposition our decided answer; and further, that we had no powers to negotiate for a loan of money; that our Government had not contemplated such a circumstance in any degree whatever; that if we should stipulate a loan, it would be a perfectly void thing, and would only deceive France, and expose ourselves. M. X. again expatiated on the power and violence of France; he urged the danger of our situation, and pressed the policy of softening them, and of thereby obtaining time. M. X. again returned to the subject of money. Said he, you do not speak to the point; it is money: it is expected that you will offer money. We said that we had spoken to that point very explicitly: we had given an answer. No, said he, you have not: what is your answer? We replied, it is no; no; not a sixpence. He again called our attention to the dangers which threatened our country, and asked, if it would not be prudent, though we might not make a loan to the nation, to interest an influential friend in our favor. He said we ought to consider what men we had to terat with; that they disregarded the justice of our claims, and the reasoning with which we might support them; that they

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Relations with France.

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OCTOBER 29.

rand was extremely anxious to be of service to us, M. X. again called upon us. He said M. Talleyand had requested that one more effort should be made to induce us to enable him to be so. A great deal of the same conversation which had passed at our former interviews was repeated. He said that, without this money, we should be obliged to quit Paris; and that of the Americans would be confiscated, and their ves we ought to consider the consequences: the property sels in port embargoed. We told him that, unless there was a hope of a real reconciliation, these evils could not be prevented by us; and the little delay that we might obtain would only increase them; that our mission had induced many of our countrymen to trust their vessels in the ports of France; and if we remained at Paris, that very circumstance would increase their number; and, consequently, the injury which our countrymen would sustain, if France could permit herself so to violate her own engagements and the laws of nations. He expressed a wish, that M. Y, should see us once more. We told him that a visit from M. Y., as a private gentleman, would always be agreeable to us; but if he came only with the expectation that we should stipulate advances of money, without previously establishing a solid and trouble of the application, because it was a subject permanent reconciliation, he might save himself the we had considered maturely, and on which we were the case, it would not be worth while for M. Y. to immovable. He parted with us, saying, if that was General Marshall were absent, M. Y. and M. X. come. In the evening, while General Pinckney and called, and were invited by Mr. Gerry to breakfast with us the next morning.

disregarded their own colonies, and considered them- Gerry, having stated that the Envoys have no such selves as perfectly invulnerable with respect to us; powers, M. Talleyrand replied, they can, in such a that we could only acquire an interest among them case, take a power on themselves; and proposed that by a judicious application of money, and it was for they should make a loan. A courier arriving at this us to consider, whether the situation of our country moment from Italy, and M. Talleyrand appearing did not require that these means should be resorted to. impatient to read the letters, Mr. Gerry took leave He said that all the members of the Directory of him immediately. He followed to the door, and were not disposed to receive our money; that Merlin, desired M. Z. to repeat to Mr. Gerry what he, M. for instance, was paid from another quarter, and Talleyrand, had said to him. Mr. Gerry then rewould touch no part of the douceur which was to turned to his quarters with M. Z, took down the come from us. We replied, that we had understood particulars of this interview, as before stated, sent that Merlin was paid by the owners of the privateers; for Gens. Pinckney and Marshall, and read it to and he nodded an assent to the fact. He proceeded them in the presence of M. Z., who confirmed it. to press this subject with vast perseverance. He Generals Pinckney and Marshall then desired M. Z. told us that we had paid money to obtain peace with to inform M. Talleyrand that they had nothing to the Algerines and with the Indians; and that it add to this conference, and did not wish that the was doing no more to pay France for peace. To arrêt might be delayed on their account. this it was answered, that when our Government commenced a treaty with either Algiers or the Indian tribes, it was understood that money was to form the basis of the treaty, and was its essential artithat the whole nation knew it, and was prepared to expect it as a thing of course; but that in treating with France, our Government had supposed that a proposition, such as he spoke of, would, if made by us, give mortal offence. He asked if our Government did not know that nothing was to be obtained here without money? We replied, that our Government had not even suspected such a state of things. He appeared surprised at it, and said, that there was not an American in Paris who could not have given that information. The conversation continued for nearly two hours; and the public and private advance of money was pressed and re-pressed in a variety of forms. At length M. X. said that he did not blame us; that our determination was certainly proper, if we could keep it; but he showed decidedly his opinion to be that we could not keep it. He said that he would communicate, as nearly as he could, our conversation to the Minister, or to M. Y. to be given by him to the Minister; we are not certain which. We then separated. On the 22d of October, M. Z., a French gentleman of respectable character, informed Mr. Gerry, that M. Talleyrand, Minister of Foreign Relations, who professed to be well-disposed towards the United States, had expected to have seen the American Ministers frequently in their private capacities; and to have conferred with them individually on the object of their mission; and had authorized M. Z. to make this communication to Mr. Gerry. The latter sent for his colleagues; and a conference was held with M. Z. on the subject; in which General Pinckney and General Marshall expressed their opinions, that, not being acquainted with M. Talleyrand, they could not, with propriety, call on him; but that, according to the custom of France, he might expect this of Mr. Gerry, from a previous acquaintance in America. This Mr. Gerry reluctantly complied with on the 23d, and with M. Z. called on M. Talleyrand, who, not being then at his office, appointed the 28th for the interview. After the first introduction, M. Talleyrand began the conference. He said that the Directory had passed an arrêt, which he offered for perusal, in which they had demanded of the Envoys an explanation of some part, and a reparation for others, of the President's speech to Congress, of the 16th of May: he was sensible, he said, that difficulties would exist on the part of the Envoys relative to this demand; but that by their offering money, he thought he could prevent the effect of the arrêt. M. Z., at the request of Mr.

OCTOBER 30.

Immediately after breakfast the subject was resumed. M. Y. spoke without interruption for near an hour. He said that he was desirous of making a last effort to serve us, by proposing something which might accommodate the differences between the two nations; that what he was now about to mention, had not, by any means, the approbation of the Directory; nor could M. Talleyrand undertake further than to make from us the proposition to the Directory, and use his influence for its success; that, last week, M. Talleyrand could not have ventured to have offered such propositions; but that his situation had been very materially changed by the peace with the Emperor; by that peace he had acquired, in a high degree, the confidence of the Directory, and now possessed great influence with that body; that he was also closely connected with Buonaparte and the Gen

Relations with France.

erals of the Army in Italy, and was to be considered
as firmly fixed in his post, at least for five or six
months; that, under these circumstances, he could
undertake to offer, in our behalf, propositions which,
before this increase of influence, he could not have
hazarded. M. Y. then called our attention to our
own situation, and to the force France was capable
of bringing to bear upon us.
He said that we were
the best judges of our capacity to resist, so far as de-
pended on our own resources, and ought not to de-
ceive ourselves on so interesting a subject. The fate of
Venice was one which might befall the United States.
The American Ministers determined to have no
nore of these conferences, and broke them off alto-
gether; but shortly after, they were approached in-
directly and in a new way, as thus detailed by Gen-
eral Pinckney to his Government:

The American Envoys having repulsed all these attempts, and refused to listen longer to these intermediaries, two of them (Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall) were furnished with their passports, and left France. Mr. Gerry remained, and underwent many attempts to be inveigled into a separate negotiation, all of which failed. In the mean time, (for half a year had now been consumed in this intrigue,) the despatches of the American Ministers had become public, exciting every where odium upon the Directorial Government. The occasion required them to say something, which Talleyrand undertook, and had the "unparalleled effrontery," as expressed by Mr. Pickering, to affect ignorance of the whole affair, to demand the names of the enigmatical personages, (X., Y., Z.,) and of the "woman" that reinforced them; and to pronounce the whole the imposture of some intriguers taking advantage of the state of isolation in which the Ministers lived to try and wheedle them out of money. Upon this disavowal, Mr. Pickering remarks:

On the 14th of December, M. X. called on me, in order, as he said, to gain some information relative to some lands in ***, purchased by *** for whom✶✶✶ Soon afterwards, General Marshall came in, and then Mr. Gerry's carriage drove into the yard. Here is Mr. Gerry, said General Marshall. I am glad of it, said M. X., for I wished to meet all of you gentlemen, to inform you that M. Y. had another message to you from M. Talleyrand. Although the Envoys' despatches, and the facts I immediately expressed my surprise at it, as M. and circumstances hereinbefore stated, cannot leave Talleyrand, M. Y., and he, all knew our determina- a doubt that X., as well as Y. and Z., was well tion to have no further communication on the sub-known to Mr. Talleyrand, it will not be amiss to add, ject of our mission with persons not officially authorized. He replied, that determination was made six weeks ago; and it was presumed that we had changed our opinion. I said that I had not, and I did not believe my colleagues had. At that moment Mr. Gerry entered the room, and I privately acquainted him with the object of M. X.'s visit. General Marshall, Mr. Gerry, and myself, then withdrew into another room, and immediately agreed to adhere to our former resolution. M. X. was then called in; when I acquainted him, in a few words, with our determination; and Mr. Gerry expatiated more at large on the propriety of our acting in this manner, and on the very unprecedented way in which we had been treated since our arrival.

that on the 2d of December, X., Y., and Z., dined together at Mr. Talleyrand's, in company with Mr. Gerry; and that, after rising from the table, the money propositions, which had before been made, were repeated, in the room and in the presence, though, perhaps, not in the hearing, of Mr. Talleyrand. Mr. X. put the question to Mr. Gerry in direct terms, either "whether the Envoys would now give the douceur," or "whether they had got the money ready." Mr. Gerry, very justly offended, answered positively in the negative, and the conversation dropped.

Mr. Z., who has avowed himself to be Mr. Hauteval, was the person who first made known to the Envoys the Minister's desire to confer with them individually on the objects of their mission. He it was who first introduced Mr. Gerry to Mr. Talleyrand, and served as the interpreter of their conversations; and in his letter to Mr. Talleyrand, at the close of Mr. Gerry's document, No. 35, he announces himself to be the agent of the Minister, to make communications to the Envoys.

On the 20th of December, a lady, who is well acquainted with M. Talleyrand, expressed to me her concern that we were still in so unsettled a situation; but, adds she, why will you not lend us money? If you would but make us a loan, all matters would be adjusted; and, she added, when you were contending for your revolution, we lent you money. I mentioned the very great difference there was between the sit- The sensation which these details irresistibly exuation of the two countries at that period and the cite is that of astonishment at the unparalleled efpresent, and the very different circumstances under frontery of Mr. Talleyrand, in demanding of Mr. which the loan was made us, and the loan was now Gerry the names of X., Y., and Z., after Y. had demanded from us. She replied, we do not make a accompanied him on a visit to the Minister, with demand; we think it more delicate that the offer whom the conversation detailed in the printed deshould come from you: but M. Talleyrand has men-spatches then passed, and who then assured Mr. tioned to me (who am surely not in his confidence) the necessity of your making us a loan; and I know that he has mentioned it to two or three others; and that you have been informed of it; and I will assure you that, if you remain here six months longer, you would not advance a single step further in your negotiations without a loan. If that is the case, I replied, we may as well go away now. Why that, possibly, said she, might lead to a rupture, which you had bctter avoid; for we know we have a very considerable party in America, who are strongly in our interest.

Gerry "that the information Mr. Y. had given him was just, and might always be relied on;" after Z. had in the first instance introduced Mr. Gerry to the Minister, and served as their mutual interpreter, and when the conversation between them had also been stated in despatches; and after X., Y., and Z. had all dined together with Mr. Gerry at Mr Talleyrand's table, on rising from which X. and Y. renewed the proposition about the money! The very circumstances of Mr. Talleyrand's being continued in office after the account of these intrigues had been pub

Relations with France.

lished to the world is a decisive proof that they were | Siéyes, Gohier, and Roger Ducos,-whose government commenced and carried on with the privity and by Buonaparte soon after overthrew, and drove the two the secret orders of the Directory. It was to accom-first from France, with the epithet "rotten ” applied plish the object of these intrigues that the American Envoys were kept at Paris unreceived six months after to them. The American Ministers were censured by their credentials had been laid before the Directory; some of their contemporaries for listening to these and it was only because they were superior to those in- subaltern agents, but they had valid reasons for their trigues, and that no hopes remained of wheedling or conduct: first, to avoid the further threatened deterrifying them into a compliance, that two of them were then sent away, and with marks of insult and predations on American commerce; and next, to unite contempt. their fellow-citizens at home by exposing the corThe Directory at that time were: Barras, Merlin, ruption of the (then) French Government.

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