H. OF R.] Presents to Ministers. [MAY, 1798 did not intend to have said a word upon the foreign power. It has not, therefore, effectually subject; but, when he heard things of a per-shut out corruption. Officers may receive presonal nature introduced into the debate, he sents by consent of Congress; but any officer, could not avoid rising. And, with due submis- or member of Congress, might accept of pre sion to the chair, he must say, that every thing sents, either in secrecy, or wait till they are of a personal nature, introduced on this occa- out of office and receive them publicly. Nothsion, was, in his opinion, wholly out of order; ing could prevent this but the infamy that particularly when it was said by a member, would attach to such an act. Therefore, so far "If the gentleman from South Carolina is not as it was contended that a disagreement to this satisfied with what he has received for his ser- resolution would shut out a source of corrupvices, I am willing to pay him more." The tion, it had little effect upon his mind. constitution has said, that the customary presents from European Courts shall not be received without the consent of Congress; and, accordingly, when these presents were offered his colleague at the two Courts at which he was Minister, he declined receiving them, saying, that he would lay the matter before Congress on his return home. He had done so, and he could not see any gi und of alarm in this. He felt none of that Republican jealousy which caused his mind to revolt at these civilities. He rose to dissipate, if possible, those ideas of danger which seemed to be apprehended from the adoption of the present resolution -the apprehension that it would break down the barriers which were to keep out corruption from our Government, and introduce a variety of evils. Mr. GALLATIN said this question might be considered either as of a personal, or of a general nature. He had heard gentlemen, arguing both in support of and against the resolution, speak of the important services rendered by the gentleman from South Carolina in having accomplished the treaty with Spain. Nor did he conceive this to be out of order. He believed, however, the gentleman himself was perfectly indifferent as to the fate of the question. But there was another point of view on this subject, which would induce him to give his vote against the resolution. He considered that if Congress gave its assent to this proposition, it would be saying that they approve of the act, and that it is in itself proper that a foreign Minister should receive presents. If it was, in their opinion, proper to accept of these presents, the resolution would be affirmed; but if they were of opinion, that the practice is a bad one; that it is useless in itself, and ought to cease, they had nothing to do but refuse to authorize it. He owned it was proper to keep up civilities, when it could be done by conforming to custom of an inoffensive nature; but when the constitution stood in the way, it ought always to be respected. The question on the resolution was put, and negatived-44 to 38. The committee then rose and reported their disagreement to the resolution of the Senate; when the question was taken on concurring with the Committee of the Whole in their disagreement, and decided in the affirmativeyeas 49, nays 37, as follows: YEAS.-George Baer, jun., David Bard, Bailey Bartlett, Lemuel Benton, Thomas Blount, Richard Brent, Nathan Bryan, Stephen Bullock, Dempsey Mr. G. had some doubt with respect to the Burges, Thomas Claiborne, William Charles Cole construction of the constitution on this point. Claiborne, John Clopton, Thomas T. Davis, John If he was well acquainted with the fact relative Dawson, John Dennis, George Dent, Lucas Elmento this business, it stood in this way: When dorph, Thomas Evans, William Findlay, John Fowler, Mr. Pinckney was sent as Envoy Extraordinary Albert Gallatin, James Gillespie, John A. Hanna, to Spain, he still remained Minister Plenipo- Heister, Walter Jones, Matthew Locke, Matthew Lyon, Carter B. Harrison, Jonathan N. Havens, Joseph tentiary at the Court of Great Britain; there- James Machir, Nathaniel Macon, Blair McClenachan, fore he was altogether precluded from accept-Joseph McDowell, John Milledge, Anthony New, ing of the present offered to him by the Spanish Government on his taking leave from that Court; but, with respect to the present offered to him by Great Britain, it appeared to him that the moment a Minister receives his letters of recall, and has taken his leave, he is no long-Williams. er an officer of the government; and, in such case, both under the present constitution, and under the old Confederation, presents have been received. So far, therefore, as relates to Great Britain, he did not think it was necessary to apply to Congress for their consent. He had said, that after a Minister has received his letters of recall, there was nothing to prevent him from accepting of a present. He might be told the constitution is lame in that respect; but it was more so with respect to private citizens, because any private citizen might receive either presents or titles from a Josiah Parker, James Schureman, Thompson J. Skin- NAYS.-John Allen, Abraham Baldwin, James A. Holmes, Hezekiah L. Hosmer, James H. Imlay, MAY, 1798.] SATURDAY, May 5. Additional Revenue. Additional Revenue. On motion of Mr. HARPER, the House went into a Committee of the Whole on the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. DENT in the chair, when the three following resolutions being read, viz: Resolved, That it will be expedient to raise an additional revenue of dollars annually, by a direct tax. Resolved, That the said tax ought to be laid by uniform assessment, on lands, houses, and slaves. Resolved, That the apportionment of the said tax ought to be made among the several States according to their respective number of inhabitants, as ascertained by the last census." Mr. HARPER moved to fill the blank in the first resolution with two millions. The question was put and carried-47 to 25. The resolution was then agreed to as amended, as was also the second. The third resolution being under consideration, Mr. DAYTON moved to strike out the words "last census," as it might be determined when the bill came in whether the number of inhabitants should be ascertained by the last census, or a new one should be taken. [H. OF R. obtained, the tax must be apportioned according to a new census; and, if so, he apprehended the resolution would be disagreed to. Though a new census might be taken within the ten years, he believed that term ought to be nearly expired before a census was renewed. It was true that some of the States are greatly increased in population; but it could not be supposed that States increased in riches in proportion to their increase of inhabitants, as the people who emigrate are mostly persons of little property, who settle upon the back lands. This being the case, he hought it was a wise provision of the constitution which directs that the census shall be taken only once in ten years. If these words were struck out, no tax ought to be laid until the time comes for taking the new census. Mr. BAYARD would not be in favor of striking out these words, if he thought it would prevent the collection of the tax; but it would be necessary, before the tax could be laid, that an assessment of lands, houses, and slaves, should be made, and he could not see why the number of inhabitants could not be ascertained at the same time. Mr. R. WILLIAMS wished to know whether the new census proposed to be taken was to affect the representation as well as the tax? Mr. DAYTON answered in the affirmative. The return of the enumeration of the inhabitants, he said, might be made at the first meeting of the next Congress, by which means the number of Representatives to which each State will then be entitled might be ascertained in time for the succeeding election. If the order was not made at this session for taking a new census, the enumeration could not be returned before the last session of next Congress, which would be too late for the election of the following Congress. Mr. SITGREAVES said, it would be better for the mover of this amendment, and others who wished to have this tax collected, to suffer the resolution to stand as at present, so that the tax might be immediately assessed by law, and provide at the same time for taking a new census, which no one would object to; and, if it could hereafter be shown that the new census could be taken without prolonging the collection of the tax, it might be done; if not, the tax must be laid according to the present census. best way would be to strike out the resolution altogether, and then make a provision for taking a new census. Mr. BAYARD said, the words of the constitution were, "within every term of ten years; " so that a greater period than ten years could not be suffered to pass without taking a census, but it might be taken every year if it were necessary. He believed it would be very proper to have a new census taken before the tax was assessed, otherwise from the great increase in the population of some of the States, since the last census was taken, the tax would not be constitutionally collected, since it is directed to be laid according to the number of inhabitants. Mr. HARPER said, he should be glad to see a new census taken at an early period, so as to relieve the States from any inequality which might arise from the variation of population which has taken place since the last census; but he trusted it would not be thought necessary to do this before the proposed tax was assessed. The carrying a law of this kind into effect, let it be done in whatever way may be adopted, would be found a tedious business, and the amount to be produced by it, would have to be anticipated by loans; and if a new census was to be taken before the tax could be assessed, it could not be said, with any kind of certainty, when an effectual revenue was to be raised. He hoped, therefore, when so great an inconvenience would be incurred by delaying the tax until a new census was taken, that, though for one year some of the States would have to pay a little more than was justly their portion, they would consent to do so rather than subject the country to so great an inconvenience as would be experienced by such a Mr. GALLATIN believed this amendment condelay. sisted of two parts; he therefore called for a Mr. J. WILLIAMS supposed, if the amendment | division of it. He should vote in favor of the The Mr. DAYTON Consented to vary his motion so as to meet the ideas of the gentleman last up, by adding after the word "that," in the first line, "until a new census shall be taken," and to the end of the resolution these words: "and that provision ought to be immediately made by law for taking a census of the inhabitants of the several States, agreeably to the constitution." H. OF R.] Additional Revenue. first. The other part he thought perfectly a distinct subject, and not at present under consideration. If a new census was to be directed to be taken, he thought it ought to be done in a separate bill, and not entangled with this subject. The question on the first part of the amendment was put and carried, without a division. On the second, some observations were made, chiefly expressive of a wish to have the provision for a new census separate from the present subject; after which the question was put upon it, and carried, 39 to 29. The committee then rose, and reported the amendments to the resolutions as agreed to; which being confirmed by the House, Mr. D. FOSTER moved to strike out the word "annually" in the first resolution. [MAY, 1798. manent establishment was now fixed at $63,000, and $40,000, therefore, were a temporary expense. Finally, the following items were stated by the Secretary himself as temporary, viz: for light-houses, in addition to the usual appropriation, for expenses incident to the treaties with Great Britain and Spain, and for reimbursing the unfunded and registered debts, and for the payment of old accounts, a sum of $546,000. The last item not yet agreed to by this House. These several articles amount to about $830,000, which, deducted from the expense of 1798, as calculated by the Secretary of the Treasury, will leave a balance of about $6,100,000 for the permanent ordinary expenses, civil, military, contingent, and relative to the present debt. To this must be added $1,146,370 for the interest and extinguishing annuity of the deferred debt, payable in 1801, and also the sum neces Mr. GALLATIN was in favor of the motion. It was his intention to have made some general observations on this subject whilst under consi-ry to pay the principal of the Dutch debt afderation in the Committee of the Whole; but whilst he was putting down some figures on paper, the question was taken; as they would be equally applicable, he should now make them. They would go to show that this tax was not wanted as a permanent revenue, but solely to meet the present exigencies. He should show that the present revenues of the Union are sufficient to meet the current expenses, and to meet the instalments of deferred and Dutch debt due after the year 1801. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury states that it is probable there will be a deficiency of $1,796,705; but supposing that, from the present situation of the country, our expenses may be greatly increased, and our revenue defalcate, the certainty of a great augmentation in the ordinary expenses by the deferred debt, and the increasing instalments of the foreign debt, the Committee of Ways and Means do not think it safe to contemplate an additional revenue from permanent sources of taxation to a less amount than two millions of dollars. ter that year. The Committee of Ways and Means have reported the foreign debt which will become due in 1802, 1803 and 1804; but, by taking the aggregate of all the years, it will be found that an average sum of $800,000 a year will pay the whole of that debt in twelve years. This last item, the $1,146,000 for the deferred debt, and the $6,100,000 for ordinary expenses, makes the aggregate of $8,046,000 for the permanent expenditures of the Union after the year 1801, including provision for paying the whole of the principal of the foreign six per cent. and deferred debt according to contract. This, in time of peace, would be the extent of our expenses, especially as there are a number of items which might be reduced, and in that calculation no reduction is introduced in the Naval, Military, or Diplomatic Departments, or in the Civil List. If the current revenue be examined, it will be found to exceed this amount. The amount of revenue, as calculated by the Secretary of the Treasury, for the present year, In looking into the statements of the Sec- is $8,011,897. But to this must be added the retary of the Treasury, it would be found that deduction of $549,649, which he has made from most of the objects of expense brought forward the duties on imposts and tonnage, from an apto show the necessity of a permanent tax are prehension of a defalcation in this part of the of a temporary nature. He has estimated the revenue, on account of capture, and which was expenditures for the year 1798 to be $6,926,460; of course to be considered as temporary. To in order to ascertain what will be the perma- this there should also be added the duty on salt, nent expenditures of the Union after the year laid at the last session, which could not make 1800, it is necessary in the first place to deduct any part of this estimate. That duty was eight from the sum those items which are not of a cents per bushel, and calculating the quantity permanent nature; and, as he would add a sum of salt imported at three millions of bushels, it for the Dutch debt due after 1801, Mr. G. said will amount to about $250,000. There was also he would also deduct the instalment of $80,030 a number of additional duties, laid during the due for the present year. The first item of a last session of the last Congress, which would temporary nature was a sum reported for de- not raise less than $350,000, viz: two and-a-half ficiencies in the Military Establishment of per cent. on all white cotton goods imported, $164,000. Every gentleman who had attended and an additional duty on tea, brown sugar, to this subject, when it was lately before the and molasses. These two sums make $600,000, House, must be convinced that sufficient sums and added to the above $500,000, deducted this had been appropriated under this head, and that year on account of captures, would make the deficiencies must be considered as extraordina-permanent revenue, in time of peace, equal to ries not likely again to occur. Second, $103,000 $9,111,897, which would exceed our expenses were set down for diplomatic expenses; the per- by $1,000,000. This is clear from the papers MAY, 1798.] Additional Revenue. [H. OF R. before the committee. It was suggested that The gentleman from Pennsylvania, said Mr. some of his deductions for expenses were im- H., reasons as if we were in a state of profound proper, or that he might be mistaken in his ex-peace, and as if we had nothing to apprehend pectations of revenue on some items, yet this surplus million, which was equal to one-eighth of the whole expenditure, would certainly cover any mistakes of that kind. Besides, there is every reason to believe some of the branches of the revenue will be more productive, on account of the increase of population in 1801, than now. Mr. G., therefore, agreed with the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. VARNUM) that the present revenues of the nation are equal to all its expenditures, including therein the re-speedily, with a war. No longer ago than yesdemption of the public debt, except in case of war. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. SMITH) seemed to be of the same opinion, and, indeed, the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means had formerly made a similar declaration. It would, therefore, be improper to vote a permanent tax, when the objects for which it was wanted were not of a permanent nature. Two years ago, Mr. G. said, he was in favor of a permanent land tax, as he then thought it would be wanted to meet the demands which would come against the Government in the year 1801. He was of that opinion, because he did not wish to see the list of indirect taxes swelled beyond what it was; but Congress were of a different opinion, and had, since that time, laid indirect taxes on salt, sugar, stamps, &c., to the amount of $800,000 a year, and have so far diminished the necessity of a direct tax. There was another thing in which he had been agreeably disappointed. The mistake was common to almost every individual, as well as to himself. It was in relation to the amount of duties which would probably arise from imposts and tonnage, and which were productive beyond the most sanguine expectations. The estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury then fell short of the real amount by upwards of a million of dollars, and the same thing had taken place last year. If, however, in the year 1801, a diminution should take place in the product of those duties, the land tax might then be made permanent. Mr. G. concluded by saying the tax of two millions was already agreed to for one year, though he thought it too large a sum. He could see no objection to its being made an annual tax as in Great Britain, as it could not be doubted that if the money was wanted for another year, the act would be annually renewed. Mr. HARPER confessed himself very much alarmed at this motion. He saw in it, and in the arguments of the gentleman from Pennsylvania in support of it, the second leaf of the book for keeping this country in an utterly defenceless state-and another attempt made to render those measures which had been taken nugatory, by effectually tying our hands; and therefore it was that he saw this motion made with grief and astonishment, by his friend from Massachusetts, whose motives he could not suspect. from abroad; as if all our disputes were settled, and we had nothing to do but pay the expense of the preparations of defence gone into, and then at all future times we should rest in security. This was the basis of his speech, and he could not entertain so low an opinion of his understanding as to believe he thought it a good one. That gentleman must know, every one must know, that this country is not in a settled state of things, but that we are threatened, and terday the House was informed that our Ministers had presented their final memorial, and that if they did not soon receive an answer to it, they should give up their mission and return home. Far from desisting from her attacks upon our commerce, France goes on increasing them. Her former violations of right have been greatly increased. They had been told by the papers on the table of the subjugation of our country, of the fate of Venice and of Hamburgh. She talks of sending frigates against us, of ravaging our coasts; she has spoken of internal divisions, of a party in this country on which she can rely. We had heard, though not officially, that orders had been issued for taking all our vessels, and executing our citizens as pirates, yet gentlemen sit down with countinghouse exactness to calculate the amount which it will take to defend ourselves. This was, however, perfectly consistent with the rest of the conduct of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, because he has constantly set his face against every measure of effectual defence, though he has constantly talked of being willing to concur in what he considered measures of defence. But will the House thus be acted upon? He trusted not. He could not relinquish the pleasing persuasion that a majority of this House is determined to defend this country against a foreign foe, that they are desirous of protecting their property, their wives, and their children, and that they will rend from their eyes the veil which the gentleman from Pennsylvania has endeavored to cast over them. That they will defend themselves against a foe who relies upon our weakness, upon our calculations of avarice, upon the exertions of men among us who are to paralyze all our efforts to defend ourselves, and upon a prostrate colonial spirit in this country. The existence of this spirit would be confirmed were the present motion adopted. Why? Because the complete defence of the country is not to be effected by two millions of dollars. Mr. H. recapitulated what had been done by way of defence; but said these amounted to nothing, they were only measures of precaution, a commencement of defence, and if those events take place which all think probable, a much larger sum of money will be wanted. Mr. H. said it would be seen, by the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, that they did not H. OF R.] Additional Revenue. [MAY, 1798. take into view the expense which might be in- | tempt to defeat it, however willing they were curred for the military defence of the country, to go into measures of defence for the country, either by a provisional army, or by detachments when those measures were unconnected with of militia. And would any one say that it the raising of money. He hoped this would would be proper to rise without providing a not come true. military defence for the country? Or could they say that no part of the 80,000 militia, ordered to be held in readiness, would not be called into service? Or would it be proper to sit down, satisfied that our enemy will not invade us, though they see we are not prepared to meet them? He hoped not. Mr. OTIS wished to inquire of his colleague, before he proceeded to make any observations, whether he would consent to withdraw his motion, and admit of another in its place; but as he did not see him in his place, he would state what his proposition was. He supposed it was the object of his colleague to prevent the tax from being permanent. He knew that gentleman too well to believe he wished to render the tax futile. He proposed, therefore, instead of this amendment, to retain the word "annually," and to add "until all loans that may be authorized by law on the credit of such tax be reimbursed." Soon after the late despatches from our Ministers were read to this House, and the common sense of the community was convinced of the necessity there was for immediately going into measures of defence, speaking of the agreeable unanimity which seemed to prevail in the House, it was prophesied to him, by men who had been much longer in this body than himself, that, notwithstanding all this appearance, yet certain gentlemen in the House would take care so to embarrass the detail of the business, that they might just as well have refused to assent to the principle. [Mr. DANA hoped these remarks were not meant to apply to the mover of the present proposition.] Mr. O. said he felt some difficulty in speaking on this subject, from the motion coming from the quarter whence it came; but he trusted his friend would not apply these remarks to himself. [Mr. VENABLE hoped the gentleman did not mean to insinuate that any gentleman was actuated by improper motives. The SPEAKER said it was improper to speak of motives.] Mr. O. added, that his object was to show that the opposition made to this tax would have nearly the same effect as voting against it in the first instance; for he doubted whether a shilling could be got upon it, if passed in this way. Perhaps many wish that this should be the case; they may think the money is not wanted. If there was any wisdom in thus acting, he could not see it, and therefore could not give gentlemen that credit for their actions which they may think they deserve. Mr. O. expressed his astonishment that gentlemen who were two or three years ago in favor of a land tax, should now be wholly opposed to it. He also added that he had heard another prophecy, which was, that many gentlemen who were always averse to a land tax would not now agree to it, but at Mr. R. WILLIAMS observed, it was a fortunate circumstance that the present motion was made by the gentleman from Massachusetts, though, even that circumstance could not secure gentlemen from abuse; for though his friends cannot but allow the mover's motives are pure, yet they have imputed the worst views to those who support it. The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. HARPER) has, as is usual with him, consumed onehalf of his speech in censuring the conduct of members of this House, because they do not agree with him in opinion as to what is the proper defence of this country, and in recounting what France has done in Europe. As to what that gentleman had said with respect to motives, he believed every gentleman had a right to deliver his sentiments freely, without being subject to the lash of that gentleman, or any other. How could it be fairly argued, because gentlemen desired to limit the duration of this law, that they were unwilling to defend their country? No such conclusion could be drawn. He believed the people of this country would always be found ready to defend themselves, as far as their own interests and the interests of the country required; but not to defend other nations. The gentleman from South Carolina never spoke on the subject of defence, but he went into Europe, to tell the House what was going on there. He thought enough had been said on this subject. The gentleman had talked much of national honor and national dignity; but he wished him to recollect that national honor and national dignity were national interest. But the dignity and honor, which were too often spoken of, were mere phantoms; and what is looked upon as disgraceful in one country, may be looked upon as honorable in another. But the dignity and honor which he spoke of were the same in all countries; they were the interest of the people. He believed that some gentlemen would even account it honorable to go into Europe, and endeavor to raise up all the crowned heads which had fallen in the course of the present war. He liked no such honor. The gentleman from South Carolina has not only to-day, but often, reprobated the idea of introducing calculation into our debates when measures of defence have been under consideration; whereas it appeared to himself the true ground upon which they ought to act. He believed, if nations in general were to sit down and count the cost before they went to war, one-half the blood and treasure which are now caused to flow, would in such case be spared. Wherever a nation was about to enter into a war to support its rights without its jurisdiction, it was perfectly right to sit down and calculate the expense of doing it; he agreed, |