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Address to the President.

[DECEMBER, 1796 changed, why alter it merely to substitute other words? On the whole, Mr. S. observed, that he did not see the answer could in any degree be reproached. There are no sentiments in it but what are justifiable on the ground of truth; they are free from adulation. It is such an expression of national regret and gratitude as the circumstance calls for; a regret at the retirement of a faithful and patriotic Chief Magistrate from office. A regret and gratitude which he believed to be the sentiment of Americans.

Mr. SWANWICK began by observing that there were points in the Address in which all gentlemen seemed to agree, while on other parts they cannot agree. We all agree in our desire to pay the PRESIDENT every possible mark of respect; but we very materially disagree wherein a comparison is drawn between this and foreign nations. If we are happy and other nations are not so, it is but well for us; but he thought it would be much more prudent in us to let other nations discover it, and not make a boast of it ourselves. It is very likely that those nations whom we commiserate may think themselves as happy as we are: they may feel offended to hear of our comparisons. If we refer to the British Chancellor of the Exchequer in his speeches, he would tell us that is the happiest and most prosperous nation upon earth. How then can we commiserate with it as an unfortunate country? If, again, we look to France, that country which we have pointed out as full of wretchedness and distress, yet we hear them boast of their superiority of light and freedom, and we have reason to believe not without foundation. A gentleman had talked about the flourishing state of our agriculture, and asserted that our late commercial calamities were not proofs of our want of prosperity, which the gentleman compared to specks in the sun. That gentleman speaks as though he lived at a distance. Has he heard of no commercial distresses, when violations so unprecedented have of late occurred? One merchant has to look for his property at Halifax, another at Bermuda, another at Cape Francoise, another at Gonaives, &c.; all agree that they have suffered, and that by the war. These are distresses gentlemen would not like to feel themselves. Mr. S. said he had felt for these occurrences. We are not

were perfectly congenial with his wishes, and he was prepared to give his opposition to any of the amendments proposed. On mature deliberation, there was not a sentiment in the report but he highly approved. He could not see any thing unnatural or unbecoming in drawing just comparisons of our situation with that of our neighbors; this is the only way we can form a just view of our own happiness. It is a very necessary way to come to a right knowledge of our own situation by comparing it with that of other nations. He would not reproach another people because they are not so happy as we are; but he thought drawing simple comparisons in the way of the report was no reproach. He was not against bringing the comparison down to private life, as the gentleman from Virginia had done; he should think it wrong in a man to exult over his neighbor who was distressed or ignorant, because himself was wealthy or wise. Yet he saw no impropriety in his own family of speaking of their happiness and advantages, compared with that of others; it would awaken in them a grateful sense of their superior enjoyments, while it pointed out the faults and follies of others, only in order that those he had the care of may learn to avoid them: thus while our happiness is pointed out, the miseries of nations involved in distress are delineated to serve as beacons for the United States to steer clear of. He did not, with the gentleman from Virginia, in any degree, doubt of the wisdom or firmness of the Administration of America. In the language of the Address, he entertained a very high opinion of it, 66 a grateful conviction that the wise, firm, and patriotic Administration of the PRESIDENT had been signally conducive to the success of the present form of Government." Such language as this is the only reward which can be given by a grateful people for labors so eminently useful as those of the PRESIDENT had been. This was not his sentiment merely, it was the sentiment of the people of America. Every public body were conveying their sentiments of gratitude throughout the whole extent of the Union. Why then should this House affect a singularity, when our silence on these points would only convey reproach instead of respect. If these sentiments were true, why not express them? But if, on the contrary, what the gen-exempt from troubles: probably we may have tleman asserted, that the Administration of the suffered as much as other nations who are inPRESIDENT had been neither wise, firm, nor volved in the war. It is a question whether patriotic, then he would concur with the mo- France has been distressed at all by the war. tion for striking out; but he was not convinced She has collected gold and silver in immense of the truth of this assertion; and while this quantities by her conquests, together with the is not proved, he should vote against the mo- most valuable stores of the productions of the tion. arts; as statues, paintings, and manuscripts of inestimable worth; and at sea has taken far more in value than she has lost: besides, her armies are subsisting on the requisitions her victories obtain. And has England gained nothing by the war? If we hearken to Mr. Pitt, we may believe they are very great gainers. Surely the islands in the West and East Indies, Ceylon, and the Cape of Good Hope, the key to

Mr. SITGREAVES said, he could not agree with the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. HARPER,) because his motion was for substituting other words in the place of those in the report, without any reason whatever. If the gentleman, by altering the phraseology, can make the sentiment any better, by all means let it be done but if the sentiment is not to be

the East Indies, are advantages gained; besides the quantity of shipping taken from our merchants. Mr. S. thought if we were to compare, we should find those nations had gained by the war, while we had lost; and of course there was no reason for us to boast of our advantages.

Mr. W. SMITH next rose, and observed that gentlemen wished to compliment the PRESIDENT, but took away every point on which encomium could be grounded. One denies the prosperity of the country, another the free and enlightened state of the country, and another refuses the PRESIDENT the epithet of wise and patriotic. Mr. GILES here rose to explain. If he was meant, he must think the gentleman was wrong in his application. He said he had never harbored a suspicion of the good intentions of the PRESIDENT, nor did he deny his patriotism; but the wisdom and firmness of his Administration he had doubted. He thought him a good meaning man, but often misled.

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would remind the committee, that if they wished to retain, or even to amend, any section or sentence of all that was proposed to be struck out, they ought to give their negatives to this motion, as the only means of accomplishing their purpose. It was sufficient, therefore, for those who were opposed to the question for striking out the whole, to show that any part included within it ought to be preserved. Not unnecessarily to waste time, by lengthening the debate, he would take the clause first in order, and confine his remarks to that alone. This part of the Address had certainly not been read, or had been misunderstood and misrepresented by the member from Pennsylvania.

Mr. AMES said, if gentlemen meant to agree to strike out the whole as proposed, in order to adopt those words substituted by the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. HARPER), he must observe that he thought this would be as far from giving satisfaction to others, who, it appeared, wanted no substitute. He, therefore, hoped Mr. SMITH again rose, and said, he must con- that kind of influence would not prevail on this fess himself at a loss for that refinement to dis-occasion. The gentleman who made the mocover between the wisdom and patriotism of the tion did it to accommodate matters, and not PRESIDENT, and that of his Administration. It because he himself objected to the answer rewas moved to strike out this acknowledgment ported. of wisdom and firmness. What were we to substitute as complimentary to him in its place? The first paragraph proposed to be struck out related to our speaking of the tranquillity of this country, compared to nations involved in war. | Could this give offence, because we feel pleasure in being at peace? It was only congratulating our own constituents on the happiness we enjoy. To appreciate the value of peace, it was necessary to compare it with a state of war. It was the wisdom of this country to keep from war, and other nations hold it up as exemplary in us. The gentleman himself has declared his wish for the preservation of peace; and though he admires it, and nations admire it in us, yet we are not to compare our state with nations involved in the calamities of war, in order to estimate our enjoyments. The words of this Address are not a communication to a foreign minister, it is a congratulation to our own Chief Magistrate of the blessings he, in common with us, enjoys. Mr. S. hoped the words would not be struck out.

Mr. DAYTON (the Speaker), said, that he did not rise to accept the challenge given by the gentleman who spoke last from South Carolina, and to point out a nation more free and enlightened than ours; nor did he mean to contest the fact of ours being the freest and most enlightened in the world, as declared in the reported Address, but he was nevertheless of opinion that it did not become them to inake that declaration, and thus to extol themselves by a comparison with, and at the expense of all others. Although those words were in his view objectionable, he was far from assenting to the motion for striking out the seven or eight last clauses of the Address. The question of order having been decided, Mr. D. said he

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It is well known that a committee of five members, opposite in sentiment, was appointed to prepare a respectful Address in answer to the PRESIDENT's Speech. [Here the original instructions were read.] As it was the duty of the committee to prepare a respectful Address, it cannot be matter of surprise, although it may of disapprobation with some, that the committee did their duty, and have taken notice of the several matters recommended to the House in that Speech. Respecting the particular notice they have taken, it might have been thought that some difficulty would occur. He said he need not observe, that the committee had reason to imagine that the form of the report would be agreeable to the House, as they were unanimous; although there had been in the wording some little difference of opinion, yet all agreed substantially in the Address, from a conviction of the delicacy of the subject. For that reason, if that only, unless the sentiments in the report of the Address should be found inconsistent with truth, he hoped no substitute of a form of words merely would prevail, as it would no longer be that agreed to in the committee, nor could come under their consideration equal to the printed report. He therefore trusted that when the committee came to the question, whether to strike out or not, gentlemen would be guided by no other motive to vote for striking out, than an impropriety in the sentiments through an evident want of truth in them; and if such cannot be discovered, why strike out the expressions?

It had been observed by some gentleman, that the cry of foreign influence is in the country. He did not see such a thing exist. He would not be rudely explicit as to the foundation there was for such a cry; but when it was once

H. or R.]

Address to the President.

[DECEMBER, 1796,

fuse him our testimony of gratitude. No, he bears in his breast a testimony of his purity of motive; a conscious rectitude, while in public life, which daggers could not pierce. He would retire with a good conscience; perhaps it would be said this was adulation, but let it be rememgentlemen deny this; let them prove that this is not the will of their constituents. The country would judge our opinions when we come to give our yeas or nays; then the real friends of that man would be known.

raised, the people would judge whether it was fact or not. He could not tell how this influence was produced, but the world would draw a view how far we were under foreign influence. Mr. A. here alluded to the influence which foreign agents wished to have over the minds of the people of this country, in order to sup-bered this was truth; this was not flattery; let port a factious spirit, probably to the appeal lately made to the people. He also alluded to a circumstance when the Imperial Envoy, M. Palm, in 1727, at London, published a rescript, complaining of the conduct of that Court; the spirit of the nation rose, and discord was sown. In consequence of which the Parliament petitioned the King to send the Envoy out of the country for meddling with the concerns of their nation. That is the nation which we call corrupted. Yet a similar affair has occurred here, and it is not to be reprobated; we are not to complain of it, nor even hear it, according to this doctrine. Independence is afraid of injuries, and almost of insults. We must forbear to exult in our peace, our light, our freedom, lest we should give offence to other nations who are not so. This may be the high tone of independence in the views of some people, but I must confess it is not so in mine; but it is probable those people may be wiser than I am, and their views extend farther. Foreign influence exists, and is disgraceful indeed, when we dare admire our own constitution, nor adore God for giving us to feel its happy effects. He thought, respecting the recent complaints of the French Minister, that there was not even a pre-alter the original draft of the Address, but text for the accusation.

It had been observed by a gentleman, that the PRESIDENT, no doubt, is a very honest man, and a patriot, but he did not think him a wise

man.

Mr. GILES here rose to explain. He said that, in his assertions, he meant not to reflect on his private character. He referred to his Administration. No doubt but the gentleman possessed both.

The gentleman wishes him back to Virginia, was glad he designed to go; he did not regret his resignation. His name will appear in that opinion. The whole of the PRESIDENT's life would stamp his character. His country, and the admiring world knew it; and history keeps his fame, and will continue to keep it. We may be singular in our opinions of him, but that will not make his character with the world the less illustrious. We now are to accept of his resignation without a tribute of respect. We are not to speak of him as either wise or firm. We can only say he is an honest man: this would scarcely be singular; many a man is honest without any other good qualifications. circle would gentlemen fix the committee in to amend this Address, if they are not to give scope to these sentiments? Better appoint no committee at all. If we address the PRESIDENT at all, I hope it will be respectfully, for loth respect is insult in disguise. I hope we shall not

What

agree according to our former intentions to present a respectful and cordial Address.

Mr. SWANWICK гose to explain to those.parts of the observations of some gentlemen who had lately spoken (Mr. DAYTON and Mr. AMES) on that part of the paragraph, which speaks of our gratitude to Providence. He should be sorry if such an idea was entertained from any thing he had observed. It was not that part of the paragraph, but the part where we are contrasted Mr. AMES said, he considered well what the with other nations, that he objected to princigentleman had said. As a private man, his in-pally. Although, he must observe, it was not tegrity and goodness cannot be doubted; but in spoken in a style common to devotion, to tell his Administration-here we are to stop short; Providence how wise and enlightened we were. not a word about that; it won't bear looking It does not boast of our philanthropy, to say into; it has been neither firm nor wise. If the how much wiser and better we are than other House, in their Address to him, were to say, we nations. He thought the gentleman's reference think you a very honest, well-designing man, to a clergyman very curious. It would not be but you have been led astray, sometimes to act right in us to say to God, we thank thee, we treacherously, and even dishonest in your Ad- are wiser or more enlightened than others! If ministration-we think you a peaceful man, we are so, let us rejoice in it, and not offend and though much iniquity may have been prac- others by our boasting. Gentlemen say, we are tised in your Government, yet we think you are happier than though we were at war; are we not in fault; on the whole, sir, we wish you at peace? No: we are involved in the worst snugly in Virginia. Such sentiments as these I of wars. Witness our spoliations from Algerine, do not like. Is this an Address or an insult? | English, and French cruisers, from some of Is this the mark of respect we ought to show to which he himself had suffered materially. The the first man in the nation? Mr. A. observed, PRESIDENT does not think we are at peace: he that he did not agree with the gentleman from recommends a navy as the only efficient securiSouth Carolina (Mr. SMITH), who said, that the ty to our commerce. How could that little President would carry daggers in his heart with island (England) command such influence in him into his retreat from public life, if we re- foreign dominions? It is by her navy. We

Mr. CHRISTIE moved for the committee to rise. The House divided on the motion; 43 members appeared against it, 31 only in favor of it. It was lost.

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cannot boast of such power. While we think | fall us before? It certainly may be ascribed to ourselves much happier and stronger than that instrument. Gentlemen may talk as they others, others think us more diminutive; let us please about the law of nations; but the law not boast. He feared that the revenues of this of nations is, that a neutral nation shall not do country would suffer materially through the any thing to benefit one belligerent power to the great stagnation of commerce. He did not injury of another. Mr. G. said, he thought think they would be as productive as formerly. matters carried a serious aspect, and he very He feared it was too generally known, that this much disapproved of the declaration of a genwas not a time of very great prosperity. As he tleman (Mr. AMES) who says, now is the time did not, for one, feel the prosperous situation of danger; we are on the eve of a war with of the country, he could not consent to violate France, now let us boldly assert our rights. At his feelings by speaking contrary to them. The the time the British Treaty was debating on, gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. AMES) last that gentleman was overcome with the prospect session, spoke with great eloquence and at of a war; he then depicted it in horrible forms; great length of the horror of war; which he but now how different his language! He now considered as inevitable if the British Treaty seems not afraid to embrace all its horrors, and (then the subject of debate) was not carried was zealously calling out for the nation to supinto effect. port the Administration. Why did we not hear this when the British spoliated on our commerce! If we are upon the eve of a war with France, as the gentleman supposes, it will be disastrous to this country; we have reason to deplore it; it will be calamitous indeed. France has more power to injure this country than any nation besides, and none we can injure less. What an influence can she command over our commerce? She can exclude us from our own ports; spoil our trade with Great Britain, and from her own extensive country; she can shut us out from the East Indies, as well as the West Indies; ruin our trade in the Mediterranean, which, owing to the late conquests of the French, may be rendered very flourishing and important to us; and by her alliance, offensive and defensive, with Spain, we not only have another enemy, but lose our late advantages in the navigation of the Mississippi. Suppose, by the influence of her politics, the doctrine of liberty and equality were to be preached on the other side of the Alleghany mountains, what numerous enemies may they breed in our own country? France can wound us most, and we have the least reason to provoke her. It would be policy in her to go to war with us; by ruining our trade with England, she could give a violent wound to her enemy; yet that gentleman says, now is the time to assert our rights, now we are in danger. The war-whoop and the hatchet, of which the gentleman spoke so feelingly last session, is no longer in his thoughts. If this was the only reason he had, it would be enough to influence his vote against an acknowledgment of the wisdom and firmness that has dictated our Administration.

Mr. GILES rose and observed that he should not have troubled the committee with any further observations, but his ideas had been misrepresented; although he endeavored to prevent a possibility of misconstruction, yet it seems he had not been able to accomplish his wish. It was not wonderful, he said, that the PRESIDENT'S popularity should be introduced into the debate when it had been so long in question. It had been too commonly done, he thought, but he hoped the influence of it would not be very great. As to the unanimity of the committee who drew up the Address, he cared very little about it; he should be extremely sorry to see it have any influence on the members of that House.

Gentlemen have said, that if we take out the expressions of our sense of the wisdom and firmness of the Administration of the PRESIDENT, they cannot find any ground on which to compliment him; if so, he for one would not be willing to present an Address at all. But his views were quite different; he thought it could be effectually done without adulation. He could not consent to acknowledge the wisdom and firmness of his Administration. Gentlemen had inquired for instances in evidence of this assertion. He said, that without seeking for more instances, that of the British Treaty was a standing proof in support of the assertion. Though many gentlemen believe nothing has been done injurious to the United States through that treaty, yet I acknowledge I see very great danger; we are not now in that state of security which could be wished. It is well known that the operation of the British Treaty is the groundwork of all the recent complaints of the French Government. It may be said that many of the complaints of the French Minister originated from actions previons to the British Treaty. It may be so, but that was the means of calling forth complaints which, perhaps, would otherwise never have been made; else why did not this calamity be

Mr. WILLIAMS rose and said, he was sorry to trouble the committee at such a late hour, but he could not be satisfied with giving a silent vote on an occasion when the PRESIDENT's popularity was doubted. He thought members ought to speak the will of the people they represent. He could assert that it was not merely his own opinion he spoke, but that of his constituents, when he voted for the Address as reported. He was sorry to hear the gentleman last up speak in the style he had done, although he owned it was not altogether new to him.

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Address to the President.

in their acknowledging it; which was all the compliment necessary to give satisfaction.

Mr. RUTHERFORD.-My colleague has in a great measure anticipated my sentiments on this occasion. I am sorry for the mistaken zeal the gentlemen of the committee should have shown for the PRESIDENT, by introducing expressions into the Address so exceptionable, and which should be subject to such an uncomfortable exposure of that character.

[DECEMBER, 1796. The gentleman wished the first clause to be expressive of the wisdom and firmness of the struck out. Mr. W. thought it was the duty of PRESIDENT's administration. He declared he every pious man to thank God for the benefits thought it had much contributed to the success he enjoys. And shall not we, as a nation, thank of this country; and if success had attended his him for keeping us from a state of war? Gen-measures, there could be nothing inconsistent tlemen's ideas were to strike the whole out in a mass; but he hoped they would not be gratified. Mr. W. said, he was very sorry to hear the gentleman speak against the wisdom and firmness of the PRESIDENT, which assertion seemed to have its foundation in the Treaty concluded with Great Britain. He would ask the gentleman whether that act of ours should have any influence on our situation with France? Wherein have we differed from the compact made with France by our treaty made with that country? We surely had a right to treat with Great Britain, else we could not be an independent nation; and France will not deny this. In 1778, the Ambassador of France informed the British Court that his nation had entered into a treaty with the United States, and at the same time informed them that great attention had been paid by the contracting par- | ties not to stipulate any exclusive advantage in favor of the French nation, and that there was reserved, on the part of the United States, the liberty of treating with any nation whatsoever upon the same footing of equality and reciprocity. But the gentleman (Mr. GILES) says, we ought not to give an advantage to an enemy. Mr. W. said, that no advantage was given to Britain, but, on the contrary, the article complained of must be of advantage to France; it is an encouragement for American vessels to go to their ports; it insures them against loss, it they are interrupted in their voyage. It had been said that it would be to the interest of France to go to war with us; if they consider it so, all that gentleman can say will not prevent it. When we reflect on a Treaty entered into on this principle with Great Britain, should France complain?

THURSDAY, December 15.

Address to the President. The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the answer to the PRESIDENT'S Address, Mr. MUHLENBERG in the chair.

The question before the committee was GILES' motion for striking out.

Mr.

Mr. NICHOLAS said, he sincerely wished that such an answer might be agreed to, as would give a general satisfaction. He hoped some mode would be adopted to unite the wishes of every gentleman; his disposition, he said, led him to vote for the paragraph; he thought himself at liberty so to do, as he was satisfied the Administration had been, in many instances, wise and firm. He thought it improper that such debate should take place at the present time. He could see no inconvenience that could arise from voting for the Address. The words on which most stress had been laid, were those

I was able yesterday only to attend a part of the debate, through indisposition, but what I did stay to hear, hurt me very much. I heard gentlemen speak ill of the common parent of our country, whom we all revere; and was a slip, but one criminal slip, to rob the PRESIDENT of his good name? We have seen the goodness of the heart of that man, and with satisfaction. We have seen him wrestling with his own feelings to continue in the important and weighty business of Government; we have seen him contending with two great rival nations, and yet preserved peace. When he had made a slip, the people of America have stepped forward to assist him, and dropped the generous tear, sensible that to err is human, and that we are all liable to do wrong. I am sure that my colleagues and every one in the House hold the character and virtue of that man in high esteem. I am sorry to see that division of sentiment which has taken place; it would make the world believe that we wish to rob him of those qualifications. It is the justice and duty of this House to do that man, that patriot, all the honor they can, whilst it is the interest of this nation to hold in view those great points with generous satisfaction, and good wishes to the man who has stepped forward, and not in vain, to the support of our Republic in the war, and under Divine assistance was made our de liverer. And now for gentlemen to come here and speak of the troubles of the country, ascribing all our adversity to him, it is like applying cold water where the strongest energy is necessary. Again I would repeat, that if that man, our common parent, has committed errors, it is no more than we all may do-it is the general lot of all. If there have been faults in the Administration, I do not think they lie at his door, but at his counsellors'; he has had bad counsellors; his advisers are to blame, and not him. I never saw how he could have done otherwise than he did. And now, sir, said Mr. R., it is our duty to bear those great actions and generous sentiments in our view, that, on his retirement from his public station, we may render him all the respect due to his character. Nor would I less remember our situation with France, that great and generous Republic, under whom we owe our liberty. Let us not give offence to her, but by every mark of gratitude