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CHAPTER XII.

FOR CHURCH AND COUNTRY.

The

THE agitation which arose in Scotland when Mr Gladstone came once more to power, for what seemed in those days a new and prolonged lease of almost absolute supremacy over the fortunes of the country, -on the question of the existence of the Church of Scotland as a national Establishment, was naturally of a still more fervent character than that which had attended the beginning of the political campaign which ended in such a victory. Principal had no faith in that statesman, so far at least as his dealings with Scotland were concerned: and there was an overwhelming influence of hero worship in Scotland, a country always prone to such influences, which almost deified the Premier, and blinded the countryin a way very surprising to those even whose interests and wishes were less affected-to the nature of the measures which were likely to suggest themselves to a man so much disposed to heroic treatment of everything that seemed to him an evil. The statesman who had destroyed the Irish Church with reason, listened, from the first, to proposals to destroy in its turn the Scottish Church without reason, with that zest which the rising passion of iconoclasm seems apt to give. And for a period, what with the vehemence of Dissenting organs, and the force of mis

representation, and the tendency of the country to allow itself to be carried away by anything that found favour in the eyes of the idol of the moment, the question of disestablishment seemed a mere matter of time. The Principal, I think, always took upon this subject a pessimistic view. He was revolted by the hero-worship, he was disgusted by the complacent indifference of public opinion in England, and ignorance of Scottish affairs, and something like a terror of the misdirected enthusiasm of his fellowcountrymen, and their extraordinary incapacity to share his alarm, or see the approaching danger, seized him. The pledge which had been given-the only one which could be extracted from the new Government-that no hand should be laid upon the Church, unless the opinion of the country should distinctly pronounce against it, gave him little confidence: for the head of the country was plainly turned by Mr Gladstone's all-preponderating influence; and it seemed impossible to imagine that Scotland in her enthusiasm, lulled by the voice of the charmer, would not accept any suggestion which came from him.

In these circumstances Tulloch became still more eager to rouse the country out of her dream, and convince her of peril at hand, and returned with great warmth to the first idea of an effective defence, which should consist in calling together the more enlightened and influential members of the Church -of all the different shades of politics-to form an association for this purpose. That a strong motive might completely justify even the warmest politicians in sinking for a time their lesser differences for one great common object, it is unnecessary, especially at the present crisis of affairs, when that principle has been so remarkably adopted, to say. The idea had been for some time floating in the air, as has been already mentioned; but was probably now brought forward as a definite proposal for the first time. The following letter shows that the original plan had never been abandoned:

To Rev. Dr Phin.

I hope we may manage to do something-Liberals, I mean, as well as Conservatives. I have been in correspondence with Sir Robert Anstruther and Sir Alexander Kinloch, and I know that strong representations have been made, with the approval of the Duke of Argyll, who saw the letter sent to Lord Richard Grosvenor, the Liberal whip, about the impolicy of the Government having anything to do with the present vile agitation. I really think the result is very much in the hands of the Conservatives. If the managers of the party in Edinburgh will let men like Maclagan (Linlithgowshire) alone this year, some Church Liberals will be got to leave certain Conservative seats alone. There should be no practical difficulty in agreeing about the matter; and a basis of this kind, which will leave men on both sides of politics true to their convictions, and able to act for their party when a Disestablishment candidate is not in the field, seems to me the only practical basis of agreement. It would be fatal to the Church itself [if one were] obliged to become a Conservative to defend it.

Before entering, however, more fully on this subject, which came into full prominence at the next meeting of Assembly, it may be well to continue the ordinary record of Tulloch's life and occupations.

Another of the many crises continually recurring in respect to the Scotch Universities claimed his attention at this period. It would almost seem as if a commission had been always sitting, or about to sit, upon these affairsendless inquiries and investigations, abortive bills and proposals, going on for ever. I find a long and elaborate paper on these subjects, setting forth in great detail, and with much force, the necessity of various revisions in the programme and arrangements of St Andrews, in respect to the amalgamation of the colleges, the increase of the endowments connected with the different chairs, and the necessity in general of putting the affairs of the University on a better footing, among the records of the year. The paper in question was evidently intended to be read to the Senatus, which met on the 30th November 1881, "for the special purpose of giving instructions to the deputation ap

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pointed to wait on Lord Rosebery and the Lord Advocate, on the subject of an Education Commission for the Universities of Scotland," in which instructions most of the Principal's suggestions were embodied. One of the points discussed was whether the colleges-(i.e., the United Colleges of St Salvator and St Leonard, and the College of St Mary's) should be united under one Principal, a change specially recommended by the last University Commission, and which was in theory approved by all concerned. At a later period, on the death of Principal Shairp, there was a strong feeling in favour of this change; but it has apparently been difficult for any Government to deprive itself of such an opportunity of rewarding a supporter or securing a partisan—and, notwithstanding the force of opinion on the subject, both offices are still retained. Even the Senatus could not make up its mind on this subject at the period to which we have now come, and it was accordingly left for further consideration. A cognate question had been much thought of and discussed. The position of the two Principals in St Andrews was an anomalous one. Both were considered Principals of the University, Scotch custom being altogether against the English rule of a number of separate colleges, each with its individual head. They were equal in rank and in authority; but Principal Tulloch, who had been for a very long time Senior Principal, performed all the functions of the virtual head of the University-just as the Principals of Edinburgh and Glasgow, sole officials each in his own sphere, fulfilled them but still with only the small stipend attached to the Principalship of St Mary's, to which he had succeeded when the other position was held by a much older man. After long acceptance of these duties without any remark or claim, he had recently been roused to a sense of the wrong done, not only to himself but to all subsequent Principals upon whom the same weight might devolve,

by this burden of unremunerated and unconsidered labour, and his feelings on the subject are at last embodied in the "instructions" above referred to. He explained and illustrated his position still more clearly, in a letter written some time later-evidently in the midst of continued discussions upon the subject. Notwithstanding the deputation from the Senatus, and the clear case made out, no change of any kind was ever effected.

To Professor Baynes.

January 12, 1882.

I send you the volume of University minutes, having marked the pages containing the chief motions about an allowance to the Senior Principal. What is particularly deserving of notice is, that these minutes clearly show the view originally taken of the office of Senior Principal by the Senatus, and their unanimous opinion that the duties imposed upon him were deserving of remuneration out of the University funds. The question of an allowance never arose during the short time that Sir David Brewster held the office, for the obvious reason that Sir David never undertook the office even to the extent of regularly presiding at the meetings of the Senatus; so that in point of fact, and in reference to all the University duties attaching to the office, this position is one which has never been held by any one but myself. There can be no doubt that, however the office may be defined, the duties attaching to it are practically identical with those belonging to the office of Principal in the other universities, and that these duties have devolved upon me since 1861 without any remuneration being given for their performance. It may be concluded that the duty of presiding at the Senatus being a statutory duty, is one for which I am not entitled to any remuneration, and no doubt the Commissioners of 1858-63 took this view. They probably considered the presidency of the Senatus as an honorary function which it was easy for any one to discharge, and which involved no special labour. I do not myself agree with this view, and it is opposed to the views generally held as to the chairmanship of constituted bodies or corporations when there is any real business to be done by such bodies. The conduct of all real business necessarily devolves upon the chairman; and not merely the conduct of business at meetings (which is comparatively light work), but the direction of all the means of carrying out the business afterwards, the gathering together of all threads of detail, and bringing them to any practical result. All this no less devolves upon the chairman. Even if we had a secretary, no