and her laws otherwise, indeed, she would soon prove but an unavailing friend to America, or any other country. Nothing could be more unfounded than the charge of disingenuousness, brought against the address by his noble and learned friend. What was there disingenuous in it? It did not preclude the house from the fullest investigation of any of the measures it had referred to, but left them open for future discussion and censure. In the reference it made to the armistice and convention, it did not intend any reflection upon the military conduct of the officers concerned in them. It rather had in contemplation cir cumstances of a mixed nature, rather political than military, and these most probably it was of which his majesty has declared his disapprobation. When all these measures come hereafter to be more fully discussed, noble lords would find themselves fully at liberty to treat them according to the judgment they might then form of them. Their concurrence in the address at the present moment would not preclude them from that liberty.

Lord Buckinghamshire and Lord Mulgrave, entered nearly into similar explanations.

Lord Auckland, adverting to the speech of the noble and learned lord on the woolsack, who had reprehended his noble friend (lord Grenville) for introducing the American question, which the king's speech had altogether omitted, reminded the house that the mention of America had originated with the noble lord who had seconded the address. He did not wish, however, to justify the mention of that urgent and most important consideration, by reference to any example or authority. Was parliament to be precluded in the opening of the session from adverting to the question, whether the commerce and manufac tures of the country are not groaning and declining under the continuance of the infatuated system of the orders in council? Was it not the duty of that house, and of every member belonging to it, to examine whether the ports of the United States might not long ago have been re-opened to us, and their friendship recovered and secured? He felt himself prevented from entering fully into the subject, only because the faculties of his mind. were depressed and weighed down by his anxieties re specting the sufferings and fate of our armies in Spain. Some noble lords had started doubts, whether it would have been wiser to have thrown at once all our force into

Portugal, in order to have sent Junot's army and the Russian fleet under an unqualified surrender into this country, and to have maintained possession of Portugal as the best means of operating an eventual diversion in favour of Spain: others seemed to think that we ought to have confined our assistance to coast expeditions. It had also been stated very eloquently, that if any landing of troops were expedient, it should have been our object to have landed a great army early in September on the coast of Biscay, and to have taken possession of the passes of the Pyrenees. He did not, however, think himself called upon to examine into the choice of measures which might have been adopted. In that choice much must have depended on the eircumstances existing at the moment of the decision, and on information exclusively in the pos session of the king's ministers. The true question would be, whether the long march of our unfortunate armies, from Lisbon and from Corunna, through bad roads, and exhausted countries, in a rainy season, and after the arri val of the French reinforcements, had ever presented any rational hope or prospect of success. He would not prejudge or anticipate the discussion of that question. He adverted to it only for the sake of establishing his claim not to be precluded or committed by any expressions introduced into the address.

The question was then put, and carried without any amendment.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 19,

The Speaker came down to the house at three o'clock. Shortly afterwards, Mr. Quarme, deputy usher of the black rod, attended at the bar with a message from the upper house, desiring the attendance of this house forthwith in the house of peers, to hear his majesty's commission read for opening the session.

The Speaker, with the whole house, attended forthwith, and, in about half an hour, returned and took the chair, and acquainted the members, that this house had been in the house of peers to hear his majesty's commission read for opening this session of Parliament; and also the speech of the commissioners delivered by the lord chancel.

lor to both houses, of which, to prevent errors, he had obtained a copy, which he forthwith read to the house.

THE ADDRESS.

Mr. Robinson rose to move an address to his majesty, in answer to the speech just read. He wished not unne cessarily to detain the house longer than to express a few observations on the different passages in that speech which occurred to him, before he should submit the address he should have the honour of moving, and in which he hoped for their unanimous concurrence. In doing this, he trusted to the usual indulgence of the house to persons in his situation, and without further preface, should proceed to offer such observations as occurred to him upon so important an occasion. His majesty's speech commenced with expressing his reliance on the concurrence of the house in his just opinion that the only way to obtain a safe and honourable peace was by a vigorous prosecution of the present contest, and a cordial support of his majesty in the war in which he is engaged. In this sentiment he was convinced the house would be unanimous. It had already declared the justice and necessity of the war, and its repeated determination to support his majesty in its vigorous prosecution, to the attainment of an honourable and advantageous peace; and it would be a signal departure from its own repeated declaration, an abandonment of the principles it had so often professed, if it were not now prepared to support his majesty in a vigorous prosecution of the contest. The leading topic in his majesty's speech was his majesty's refusal of the overtures of France and Russia for a treaty of peace, founded upon the abandonment of Spain to the mercy of the common enemy. But whoever looked to the situation of this country and the circumstances which led to her connection with the Spanish nation, would not be disposed to consider it the duty of his majesty to accede to such a proposition, so dishonourable to the character of the British empire; or that such an accedance could tend to obtain a purpose so desirable as peace and security to this country, much less to the rest of Europe: but, on the contrary, that a vigo rous prosecution of the war, must tend more effectually to an honourable peace, than any partial or temporising system of pacification; and that we were bound to that country by every principle of honour and good faith, to

contribute every aid in our power that could enable her to resist the usurpation and tyranny of the ruler of France. The tyrant of France having succeeded in subjecting that country to his power and ambition, and humbled the rest of Europe to a temporary submission, next turned the views of his insatiable ambition to the subjugation of Spain; and unsuccessful in his first attempt for this purpose by the force of arms, he has recourse to fraud and falsehood, the more speedily to carry his purposes into effect. He, therefore, in his proclamation, tells the Spanish people, that if they will not submit to the usurpation of his brother, he will cause the crown of Spain to be transferred to his own head, and convert the Spanish nation into a province of France, when she shall have no connection with the governments of Europe inimical to him, and whom he stiled the wicked. This country might be assured he reckoned her amongst the wicked, and himself an instrument in the hand of Providence. It might appear to some, that the cause of Spain, over which the dawn of new liberty at first appeared rising, had now become less interesting than at first it appeared; but he knew no subject more highly interesting, than a great and powerful people, rising, as it were, unanimously, to resist the tyranny and usurpation of a foreign despot; nor any thing more worthy the support of Great Britain, than the struggles of a nation asserting a cause so congenial with her own. Speculative men might differ as to the mea sures Spain might be disposed to adopt. But, even if it did not appear that Spain wished to restore Ferdinand, yet such a disposition was not incompatible with their re sistance to a foreign tyrant; and, if we considered the inevitable results of ultimate success to the enemy in the subjugation of that country, we must feel the policy, as well as the duty, of extending to her the powerful aid of the British arms, to uphold her in this arduous conflict; in which, not only the remaining interests of this country, but of Europe, were at stake. Under these circumstances, the resolution of his majesty called for the applause and support of the house. To desert the cause of Spain, in compliance with the proposition of France, and Russia, would be an act of dishonour incompatible with the character of the British nation; and even all the advantages of peace would not be worth purchasing at such a price as that of incurring the certain contempt of Europe and

of posterity. It was not the character of this country to purchase peace from an enemy, at the expence of infidelity to her allies. It was a principle which, when the French government proposed it, they must know could not be accepted. In fact, it was, of all expedients to which this country would resort, the last. He trusted, however, the Spanish people would still persist in nobly maintaining the struggle, and finally triumph.

Per damna, per cædes;

Ab ipso ducet spem-animumque, ferro.

The honourable member then adverted to the several other passages in the speech; he sincerely concurred in the necessity of extending the advantages of the local militia, and vigorously increasing the disposeable force of the country. He rejoiced in the very flattering assurance given in the speech, of the progressive increase of the public revenue; and though he was aware that the neces sary increase of the public force was not to be effected without great expence, the house must feel satisfaction that there were means in contemplation to meet the exigency, without the necessity of imposing any consider able new burthens upon the people. He concurred with his majesty in the disapprobation he was pleased to ex press of some of the conditions in the convention of Cintra; but added, that, with respect to the conduct of the army, and the laurels they acquired in Portugal, the battles already detailed, would best speak for themselves. Never on any occasion were the valour, the discipline, the ardour, and the enthusiasm of British troops more eminently displayed; and the public approbation had already anticipated more than he was competent to express in their praise. The honourable member concluded by moving an address to his majesty, which was, as usual, an echo of the Speech.

Mr. Lushington rose to second the address. It is highly satisfactory to me (said he) in rising to second the address which the honourable member has moved, that the ability and eloquence with which he has illustrated the various important topics which it contains, leaves little for me to perform. In executing this lighter task, I trust, however, to the usual courtesy of the house, to make a large allowance for my deficiencies. Believing as I do, that there never was a period in the history of this country, when parliament assembled under circumstances