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picious. I venture to prophesy to you that the proposition for change will not come from you. If it comes, it will come from those who clamoured most loudly for the Reform Bill, who demanded the whole bill and nothing but the bill. Ay, it will come from them, and the moment, perhaps, is not far distant-the moment that they have ascertained the bill is not likely to answer the purposes they had in view the moment they see it is not potent to exclude the influence of what we call Conservative principles.

But I have said enough upon this subject; I do not despair that if we continue to exert ourselves, if we here set an example to the empire, it will, in all its parts, be before long animated by the constitutional and truly English feelings which are here displayed. How, it will be asked, are you to regain your influence in the House of Commons? Not, let me tell you, as your enemies would impute to you, by bribery and corruption and unworthy means, but by going forth with a frank exposition of your principles, and by showing that there is nothing selfish in your support of the institutions under which you live, and your defence of the rights which you inherited. Let us disclaim all interest in the maintenance of any abuse-let us declare that we are willing to redress any real grievance, and to concur in the application of the best remedy which can possibly be devised for that purpose. We hold that no public office ought to be maintained for the mere purpose of patronage; that public appointments can only be vindicated on the ground of their being necessary to the public service. We want no sinecures. We want no greater amount of salary for the reward of public officers than that which may be sufficient for securing integrity and competence in the discharge of important official duties. Above all, we deny that we are separated by any fancied line of interest, or of pride, or of privilege, from the middling classes of the country. If we ourselves don't belong to the middling classes of society, I want to know how wide the interval may be that is presumed to separate us? Speaking in behalf of nine-tenths at least of those assembled within these walls, I say we disclaim any separation from the middling classes of society in this country. O 'no, we are bound to them by a thousand ramifications of direct personal connexion, and common interests and common feelings. If circumstances may appear to have elevated some of us above the rest, to what, I venture to ask, is that elevation owing? It is owing to nothing else but to the exercise, either on our own part or on the part of our immediate forefathers, of those qualities of diligence, of the love of order, of industry, of integrity in commercial dealings, which have hitherto secured to every member of the middle class of society the opportunities of elevation and distinction in this great community; and it is because we stand in our present situation—it is because we owe our elevation in society to the exercise of those qualities, and because we feel that so long as this ancient form of government, and the institutions connected with it, and the principles and feelings which they engender, shall endure, the same elevation will be secured by the same means, that we are resolved, with the blessing

Sir Robert Peel on the Constitution.

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of God, to keep clear for others those same avenues that were opened to ourselves, that we will not allow their course to be obstructed by men who want to secure the same advantages by dishonest meansto reach, by some shorter cut, that goal which can be surely attained, but can only be attained through industry, and patient perseverance, and strict integrity. Gentlemen, what was the charge against myself? It was this, that the king had sent to Rome for the son of a cotton-spinner, in order to make him prime minister of England. Did I feel that a reflection? Did it make me discontented with the state of the laws and institutions of the country? No; but does it not make me, and ought it not to make you, gentlemen, anxious to preserve that happy order of things under which the same opportunities of distinction may be ensured to other sons of other cotton-spinners, provided they can establish a legitimate claim on the confidence of their king and country?

At the same time, consistently with these feelings, consistently with the determination to correct real abuses, and to promote real economy, we do not disguise that it is our firm resolution to maintain, to the utmost of our power, the limited monarchy of this country, to respect the rights of every branch of the legislature, to maintain inviolate the united Church of England and Ireland, to maintain it as a predominant establishment, meaning by predominance, not the denial of any civil right to other classes of the community, but maintaining the Church in the possession of its property and of all its just privileges. Such is our firm resolution; we will submit to no compromise, and we will exercise every privilege which the constitution has intrusted to us for the legitimate maintenance and support of the constitution in Church and State. This is the appeal we make to the middle classes of the community-to those who are mainly the depositaries of the elective franchise.

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We tell all, in whatever class of life they may be, that they ought to feel as deep an interest in the maintenance of those principles as any of the politicians or men of property who are now within my hearing. The encouragement of industry, the demand for productive labour, depends on the maintenance of those principles. The preservation of order depends on them, the maintenance of that security which has hitherto led men through honest industry to accumulate property in this country, depends upon them. And now that the feelings excited by political contests and great changes in the electoral system have subsided, I cannot help entertaining a sincere hope and belief, disclaiming any intention of interfering improperly with the political franchise, that there is still that fund of good sense in this community that will enable us, if not to gain a predominating influence in the Commons House of Parliament, still to acquire that degree of influence that shall control and prevent many bad projects.

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Gentlemen, in conclusion, let me call on you to recollect the associations connected with the place where we are now assembled.

From this place a voice* issued in 1793 of memorable moment-a voice in support of the ancient principles of the British monarchya voice which encouraged and enabled the ministers of that day to check the contagion of democratic and French principles, then in their ascendant. I call on you to remember the motto under which you are now assembled, Concordiâ parvæ res crescunt: to bear in mind, that by acting on the advice which it involves, small as your influence in the public councils may now be, it is capable, by unity of purpose, by cordial concert, and good understanding by common exertions directed to a common end, it is capable of vast expansion and increase. By your example you will rally around you a thousand hearts to fight in the same righteous cause. Proclaim to the country from this, the metropolis of commerce, that, entertaining principles of moderation in public affairs, you will still stand firm in defence of the ancient walls, and guard the ancient landmarks of the constitution; that you will rally round the monarchy and protect its just prerogatives; that you will defend the independent exercise of the authority of the House of Lords, and maintain firm and inviolate the rights of the Established Church; that you will stand by, in the emphatic language of the most solemn Acts of Parliament, the Protestant government and the Protestant religion of this country. Yes, elevate that voice in the cause of those principles-principles so moderate, so just, so necessary and depend upon it, it will be re-echoed from every part of this country, and the pulsation of the heart of the great corporate community will vibrate through every artery of this mighty empire.

15. THE MARCH TO MAGDALA.

[From the Chamberlain's Oration on the Presentation of the Freedom of the City to Lord Napier.]

THE pages of history have been vainly appealed to for a precise parallel to the Abyssinian expedition, which has been, in turn, compared with the successful extrication by Xenophon of his 10,000 Greeks from an unknown and hostile region; to the passage of the Alps and the invasion of Gaul by the African Hannibal, and to the advance of Cortez into Mexico. While in some respects these and other expeditions bear some resemblance to the Abyssinian campaign, yet that undertaking possesses leading features so original and unique that it will undoubtedly leave upon history a mark entirely its own. The advance upon Magdala, if we could divest our minds and memories of the sanguinary episode at its close, looks more like a grand geographical exploration, a philanthropic expedition-such as that undertaken by Livingstone-on a gigantic scale, rather than the march of a hostile invader, travelling in the

*That of Burke.

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greatness of his strength. The method, order, and foresight displayed in its organisation, the almost mathematical precision and certainty of every step taken, the conciliatory treatment of the natives, the absence of undue delay or of excessive haste, the undeviating and unfaltering pursuit of the plan laid down; until with the celerity, suddenness, and certainty of the lion's spring the great object of the war was obtained; all these mark the Abyssinian campaign as altogether exceptional of its kind. Regarded in another aspect, the Abyssinian war was remarkable. In it were brought together, by those who inaugurated and conducted it, unusual and apparently incongruous elements, all of which, however, were found helpful and contributory to the result. The army -English as well as Indian-the navy and engineers were alike represented; following the example of old Rome in her days of conquest, territories were used as auxiliaries; three continents furnished their respective contingents-the soldiers of Europe, Mohammedans and Hindoos of Asia, as well as African mule drivers, made up the motley array, which acted with as much unanimity as gallantry, and which your lordship so successfully handled. A port of debarkation had to be constructed, a base of supply and operation had to be formed, railway and telegraph to be laid down, two chains of Alpine mountains to be surmounted, and water to be sought for and obtained at every post along that "bridge of 400 miles which the soldier constructed as he passed on to victory." To these ends the science of the present was laid under contribution, as well as the ruder methods of the past, and the most scientifically conducted expedition was accompanied by thousands of eastern beasts of burden,-elephants, camels, bullocks, and mules-causing it to resemble more the progress of some great patriarchal Sheik, than that of an army despatched by a State of Western Europe. The absolute success of the expedition, and the complete attainment of all its ends, justify, however, the exceptional incidents of its inception and conduct. Not one object of the war remained unsatisfied, not a captive was left behind, sixty Europeans in all being delivered from a despotic and arbitrary tyrant, whose forces were scattered, whose inaccessible "mountain of prey" was spoiled, and whose oppressive rule was brought to an end. And, as it regards the moral aspects of the war, all was alike admirable. Undertaken by the Government on the highest ground of civilization and humanity-a war of liberation rather than of retribution or acquisition-it was so conducted as to leave leader and followers covered with renown. There have been wars dictated by lower motives, in which success brought no honour; there have been struggles against greater odds; but they have been unduly sanguinary, and humanity has decided that they were not worth their cost. Friendly intervention has sometimes resulted in oppressive occupation; license has been granted to the soldier as the reward of valour, and severity has sometimes been permitted to degenerate into cruelty; thus the scutcheon of many a successful leader is disfigured by the bar-sinister; but of the Abyssinian expe

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dition it may be said with perfect truth, the men, officers, and leader alike are absolutely sans peur et sans reproche." Our motives, also, were justified and honoured in the eyes of foreign nations, no policy of annexation sullying the military triumph; for when victory was announced, and the captives were liberated, there came the simultaneous telegram, "The army is on its return.” For the forethought, good judgment, discretion, gallantry, and moderation which your lordship so remarkably manifested, for the combination of skilful administration, of soldierly daring, and of diplomatic firmness, which, under Providence, secured the result, this Court tenders you, in the name of the citizens of London, the highest compliment at its disposal.

16.-PATRICK HENRY'S ADDRESS TO THE AMERICAN CONGRESS.

[Henry was an American patriot, who distinguished himself by speeches opposing Great Britain, at the breaking out of the revolutionary war.]

MR. PRESIDENT,—It is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope; we are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that syren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern our temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp, by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, Sir, it will prove a snare to your feet; suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, Sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation, the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, Sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, Sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains

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