Mr. Pitt, notwithstanding his declining influ- 1805. ences in Parliament, found himself necessitated to Recruiting nal management of county police. It is but too well known in that country, that the appointment of the Sheriffs, Grand Juries, and all subaltern provincial officers is committed to the influence of the ministerial Members of Parliament. It thus becomes an inexhaustible source of abused patronage: presentments are fre quently rank jobs. In many instances large sums of money have been received by opulent landlords of freehold voters, and the roads have remained impassible, and the accounts unsettled. The sums levied fall not upon the owners but the occupiers of the soil; which when once assessed upon the different denomi nations of the land, if not paid to the day, are enforced in a very cavalier manner by the high constable, who generally brings with him a detachment of the army, and sweeps the defaulters district of all their cattle. This appears to be a principal occupation of the army in country quarters. They call it, driving for the public money. Would to God, that the appropriation of the money were as prompt, faithful, and useful to the public, as the levy is quick, costly, and oppressive to the tenants. Whenever the Judges of assize, from a sense of public duty, resist any improper conduct of the Grand Jury, they are sure to embroil themselves in serious differences. Such was the case of Judge Fox and Lord Abercorne. + Nothing ever let down Mr. Pitt so much in his own eyes. as his inability to carry his friend and colleague Lord Melville through the impeachment of the Commons for high crimes and misdemeanors. The House divided in equal numbers, 216 upon the previous question put by Mr. Pitt to get rid of Mr. Whitbread's resolutions, when Mr. Abbott the Speaker gave the casting vote against the Minister. Mr. Pitt expressed in lively terms, the keen mortification he suffered in communicating to the House of Commons his Majesty's acceptance of Lord Melville's resignation of the office of First Lord of the Admiralty, and the erasure of his name from the list of Privy Counsellors. Mr. Canning, Treasurer of the Navy, was also driven by the sense of the House of Commons to dismiss Mr. Trotter, who had been from the Irish Mili tia 1805. resort to Ireland in an indirect manner for recruiting the army, notwithstanding his new pledged resistance to the admission of Roman Catholics to serve in the army and navy out of Ireland. He brought in a bill to allow a certain portion of the Militia of Ireland to enlist into the army, ordnance, and marines. No reduction was however to take place in the Militia. The numbers allowed to volunteer were two-fifths of the whole Militia then on foot; which was then to be filled up to its original complement by ballot with all possible dispatch, as he wished the defensive force of Ireland not to be diminished; and the facility of raising men for the Militia was much greater in Ireland, than in England. Sir John Newport, ever alive to the interests of his country, objected to the measure, because it would expose Ireland to the attack of the enemy by taking away the men, already disciplined, and leaving its défence to raw recruits*. Several observations were made by English Members, upon the mode of recruiting for the Militia in Ireland, which up to that period had Lord Melville's confidential Secretary and Agent from the office of Paymaster of the Navy. *On this occasion General Tarleton observed from his experience in the service, that no men were so quick at learning military discipline as Irish recruits. Several experienced officers have acknowledged to the author, that the Irish soldiers are more athletic, and undergo hardships with much more alacrity and suffer less from them than the English. Their impetuosity and prowess are notorious. Hence a lamentable aggravation of the impolicy of excluding them from the regular service, and reruiting them only by stealth or deception. not been by ballot in the respective counties; but 1805. Militia men were raised, wherever the recruiting Serjeants could find them. ment. against the Several preparatory steps were taken by both Petitions sides in contemplation of the decision of the great Catholic question upon Catholic Emancipation, which stood Question. for early days in May in both Houses of ParliaPetitions against it were presented from the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, from the cities of London and Dublin, the county of Fermanagh, and other corporations and public bodies. In order to have the advantage of the brilliant talents of Mr. Grattan in the discussion of the Catholic question, Lord Fitzwilliam induced the Honorable C. L. Dundas to vacate his seat for the borough of Malton, and Mr. Grattan was returned for it. Lord Gren. On the 10th of May, Lord Grenville introduced the Catholic petition*, by recommending to their ville intro As the general arguments for and against the merits of the Catholic question have been so frequently urged and defended. on late public occasions, and are familiar to all, who interest themselves in it, they will not here be even referred to. Suffice it to observe, that every invidious and effete objection to the Catholic faith, doctrines and morals were brought into the contest by the opponents, and anticipated or answered by the supporters of the measure. Those arguments only will be noticed, which appear to be new and illustrative of the modern history and tematic government of Ireland. Having found it a duty to give the debate on this question more in detail, than any other, that has taken place since the Union, as that which most intimately involved the vital interests of Ireland, the end proposed might sys duces the Catholic petition. 1805. Lordships to grant the whole of it, if they meant not be answered, unless the petition which gave rise to it, were adjoined. To the Right Honourable and Honourable the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled. The Humble Petition of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, whose names are hereunto subscribed, on behalf of themselves and of others his Majesty's Subjects, professing the Roman Catholic Religion. SHEWETH-That your Petitioners are steadfastly attached to the Person, Family, and Government of their Most Gracious Sovereign; that they are impressed with sentiments of the most affectionate gratitude for the benign laws, which have been enacted for meliorating their condition during his paternal reign, and that they contemplate, with rational and decided predilection the admirable principles of the British Constitution. "Your Petitioners most humbly state, that they hate solemnly and publicly taken the oaths by law prescribed to his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, as tests of political and moral principles, and they confidently appeal to the sufferings, which they have long endured, and the sacrifices which they still make, rather than violate their consciences, (by taking oaths of a religious or spiritual import contrary to their belief) as decisive proofs of their profound and scrupulous reverence for the sacred obligation of an oath. Your Petitioners beg leave to represent, that by those awful tests they bind themselves, in the presence of the all seeing Deity, whom all classes of Christians adore; To be faithful and bear true allegiance to their most gracious Sovereign Lord King GEORGE the Third, and him to defend to the utmost of their power against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever, that shall be made against his person, crown, or dignity; to do their utmost endeavours to disclose and make known to his Majesty and his heirs all treasons and traitorous agnspiracies, which may be formed against him or them, and. 1 to discharge that duty, which the Union had im faithfully to maintain, support and defend, to the utmost of their power, the succession to the Crown in his Majesty's family against any person or persons whatsoever.” " That, by those oaths, they renounce and abjure obedience and allegiance unto any other person claiming or pretending a right to the Crown of this realm: that they reject and detest, as unchristian and impious to believe, that it is lawful in any way to injure any person or persons whatsoever under pretence of their being Heretics, and also that unehristian and impious principle, that no faith is to be kept with Heretics; that it is no article of their faith, and that they renounce, reject, and abjure the opinion, that Princes, excommunicated by the. Pope and Council, or by any authority whatsoever, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or by any person whatsoever; that they do not believe, that the Pope of Rome, or any other foreign Prince, Prelate, State or Poten tate, hath, or ought to have any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority or pre-eminence within this realm; that they firmly believe, that no act, in itself unjust, immoral, or wicked, can ever be justified or excused by, or under pretence or colour, that it was done for the good of the Church, or in obedience to any Ecclesiastical Power whatsoever and it is not an Article of the Catholic Faith, neither are they thereby required to believe or profess, that the Pope is infallible, or that they are bound to obey any order, in its own nature immoral, though the Pope or any Ecclesiastical Power should issue or direct any such order; but that on the contrary they hold, that it would be sinful in them tó pay any respect or obedience thereto; that they do not be lieve, that any sin whatsoever, committed by them, can be forgiven at the mere will of any Pope, or of any Priest, or of any person or persons whatsoever; but that any person, who receives absolution without a sincere sorrow for such sin, and a firm and sincere resolution to avoid future guilt, and to atone to God, so far from obtaining thereby any remission of his sin, incurs the additional guilt of violating a sacrament;" and by the same solemn obligation," they are bound, and firmly pledged to defend, to the utmost of their power, the settlement and arrangement of : 1805. |