fate of the Catholic petition then pending, was decided? Why then, was there no person or body authorised to call the Catholics together, when a favourable opportunity should occur? Why was every vestige of the Catholics having ever met, to be so sedulously effaced? Why was not a time fixed, during next session, for presenting their petition to Parliament, with liberty to the noble lord to call a meeting of the Catholics of Ireland, if a necessity for further delay should then exist. These were some of the grounds, that induced him to think, that the Catholic petition was intended to be completely withdrawn, and that, if the proposed resolutions were adopted, it would be a cowardly surrender of the Catholic question, and a forfeiture of character, honor and consistency. He congratulated the respectable mover of the resolution upon the public applauses bestowed upon his transcendent talents, and the rapid circulation of the pamphlet, which purported to be a sketch of his speech, which, if he were rightly informed, had been not only attentively perused by the Royal eye, but was considered as the bible of the present ministry. He concluded with moving the question of adjournment. 1807. man. Counsellor O'Gorman differed from the respect- Mr. OʻGorable person, who had opened the debate, and brought the subject under the consideration of the Committee to the single question, whether or not the Catholic petition should be abandoned in toto: for that was virtually the effect of Mr. Keogh's 1807. motion. He had two insuperable objections to the motion; first, that it was not at all competent to that meeting, convened at two days notice, to rescind the final decision of a series of meetings regularly convened, and of which there was full and due notice given; and next, that if it were, it would be dishonourable and disgraceful to recede at that moment. He had been honored with the confidence of the Committee, and had succeeded in procuring a great number of signatures to a petition agreed to after many meetings, not of the Catholics of Dublin alone, but of all Ireland, after solemn deliberation and debate. He therefore protested against the powers of that meeting to accede to Mr. Keogh's resolution. How then stood the case? Were they not now as well aware as they then were of the obstacles they had to encounter, when, after mature deliberation, they decided upon pressing their claims? Were not the Catholic deputation expressly told by the Duke of Bedford and Mr. Elliott, that pressing their claims at that moment would be not only injurious to their own interests, but to those of the Empire at large? Were they not told the question would turn out of power those great and good men their friends; and place in power their enemies, and of course, those of the constitution? They were told all those things, and still they decided upon going forward, and they did right; no change of time or circumstances should ever prevent them. The question was too mighty to depend upon this or that administration or opposition; the Catholics should ne ver be the appendages of a party, they should make continuat claims; no temporary obstacle should ever repress them; the strength, policy and justice of their cause (upon which alone they should rest) would always force it forward. In the worst of times, when the Catholic had little else, he preserved his honor and his character untainted; the Catholic has been insulted, calumniated, and oppressed by cruel task-masters, and a bloody impoHtic penal code; but never before this was he made the instrument of his own degradation; never attempted to be made the appendage of a party. To those noble and exalted characters in both Houses of Parliament, who had espoused the Catholic cause, unceasing and eternal gratitude was due; any recommendation or advice coming from them should be treated with deference and respect; and, here, said Mr. O'Gorman, I acknowledge I have to encounter the strongest, or probably the only strong point made in the long and eloquent speech of Mr. Keogh. But the minister's opinions were previously and distinctly known; the Catholics paid no deference to those opinions, when they were in power, and now that they are out of power, they were all deference and respect; so they never let their friends rest, until they had turned them out of office; and now they leave their enemies, their successors in quiet and undisturbed possession of their places. ⠀ “Let us;}} said he," instead of following the advice of the "late ministry, adopt their example; they have set us a bright one; they have sacrificed their 1807. 1807. Counsellor power and their places to their character and "their principles; they have done so nobly; let us in like manner sacrifice every thing to our "honor and our reputation, and not recoil an inch. They have been consistent in advising us, when both in and out of office, not to press "our claims; we have discarded their advice, "while they were in power, let us also respectfully 66. decline their advice, now they are out of power; "thus shall we both be consistent. Upon these "grounds, my Lord, I do humbly submit, that "the petition should, whatever be the conseσε quence, go forward; yes, though sure there was not one member in either House to propose or second it, I would send it forward; because any thing is preferable to the disgrace of receding at this moment; I shall therefore support "the question of adjournment, proposed by Mr. Hussey." 66 Counsellor O'Connell said, that his only motive O'Connell. for pressing himself on the attention of the meeting was, to remove the misapprehension, under which his learned friends seemed to labour. They reprobated the proposed resolution, as tending to the abandonment or suppression of the Catholic petition. If that were its object, no man could be more decided in opposition to it, than he should be. The question was not, whether they should abandon or suppress the Catholic petition; but whether it were expedient to present it just at that moment. He doubted, if it were now competent to any body of men to vote its suppression; that certainly was not the intention of his revered friend, who made the motion, and much as he respected that gentleman, sincerely as he admired his integrity and his talents, he would not consent to sacrifice the petition, even to him: neither would he consent to postpone it to any remote period; even had that been the advice of the gentleman, whom he would call the venerable father of the Catholic cause; for he was the oldest, as well as the most useful of her champions; he had exhausted his youth in the service of the Catholics, and his old age was still vigorous in the constitutional pursuit of emancipation. But could it be said, that since the petition had been determined on, nothing had incurred to induce the Catholics to pause? Within the short period, that had intervened between the last and present meeting, an administration, dignified in character, splendid in talent, and eminent for its useful services to the cause of humanity, had been hurled from power; and in its place, a ministry substituted, destitute of ability, low in reputation, and remarkable only for opposition to every liberal, and patriotic measure. Such ministers stood in need of factitious support; and accordingly, with a resolution, frantic as it was fanatic, they endeavoured to rouse all the bad passions of the English nation, and to give vitality to British bigotry in their support. But there was another reason for delay, which he was convinced no Irish Catholic could resist it aroše from the use which the ministry had presumed to make of the Sovereign's sacred name. It was 1807. |