misunderstood his Majesty. Having unfortunately introduced the measure into the House of Commons, in the belief, that I was sanctioned to do so by the King, I immediately suspended any further proceedings on the bill, demanded an audience of his Majesty on the following day, and convinced him, that I had been misled, and that I had misunderstood those gracious expressions, which he had used on the subject on a former occasion. 77 1807. "From that moment it became the most anxious Royal objections to consideration of ministers how to reconcile their Lord Howpublic duty with their respect for the feelings of ick's bill. his Majesty. We attempted to correct the bill; but the objection of his Majesty was so extensive, that we found it was impossible so to modify the measure, as to remove that objection, and at the same time leave it efficiently beneficial. In this situation we preferred abandoning the bill altogether. In doing this, Sir, I own, that I made a most painful sacrifice of all personal feelings to my sense of public duty: but this is a sacrifice, which, however painful. I trust I shall never hesitate to make. We therefore offered to withdraw the bill, but at the same time, we felt the necessity of adding something to that offer. On a former occasion a desire had been intimated, that nothing of that kind should in future be pressed. Other intimations had been made of a similar nature. We, therefore, thought it right to reserve to ourselves the power of expressing our opinion, and of suggesting to his Majesty any future measure, that might seem to us expedient, accompanied, how 1807. ever, with a respectful declaration, that all the members of the cabinet were most eager to contribute every thing in their power to his Majesty's personal ease and comfort. This part of our proceeding, Sir, has been most shamefully misrepresented to the public. In falsely stating, that we wished to reserve to ourselves the right of pressing this subject on his Majesty in future, it has been omitted, that our only risk was to submit any measure to his Majesty's revision; it was omitted, that we assured his Majesty of our earnest desire to regard his personal ease and comfort. Sir, in what situation should we have been placed, had we not retained the right of expressing our sentiments? The bill introduced by us must be withdrawn. I certainly felt, that without exposing his Majesty's opinion, I might have assigned sufficient reasons for withdrawing the bill, on account of the opposition, which had been made to it; but, Sir, was it possible, consistently with mine honor, and consistently with my sense of duty to my colleagues, that I could refrain from declaring my own sentiments upon it? Besides, in withdrawing this measure, we had actually to look to a Catholic petition, and to the pressing the general question with more eagerness than ever, on the consideration of Parliament. His Majesty in reply, expressed his satisfaction at the deference we had shewn him, but required us to withdraw the other part of our statement, and to give an assurance in writing, not only, that we would never again propose the measure in question, but also, that we would never propose any measure connected with it. As far as personal motives operated in this demand, I am convinced, that they were of the purest description. For during the short time, that I had the honor of being in his Majesty's service, I have had frequent opportunities of remarking his Majesty's gracious and benevolent affection for his people, and the anxious desire, by which he is urged to promote their welfare. As far, therefore, Sir, as his Majesty was personally concerned, I can have no doubt, that in this demand he was actuated by the most honorable and conscientious motives alone. But neither I, nor any of my colleagues being able to assent to this requisition, we stated to his Majesty the impossibility of our complying with it. The next day his Majesty, in the same gracious manner, that we have been accustomed to experience from him, informed us, that he must look out for new servants. Two days afterwards I was authorised to state this circumstance to the House, and on Tuesday last his Majesty signified his pleasure, that we should resign our offices next day. This is a statement of the whole transaction, as far as it can be stated, without a reference to the various documents, that I have described. I much wish, that those documents, in an unmutilated state, were before the House and the public; and if his Majesty will be graciously pleased to give orders to his servants to produce them, I for one shall be grateful. Those documents will bear me completely out in the assertions: first, that we did not propose the mea 1807. .1807. Effects of the uncon sure to his Majesty without having sufficient motives for so doing: secondly, that we did not propose the measure to Parliament without sufficient reason to be satisfied, that it had his Majesty's concurrence; thirdly, that when we discovered his Majesty's unsurmountable objection to the measure, we fulfilled our duty by acceding to it; and that in adding the respectful request to allow us the liberty to state our opinions on that subject, and to propose to his Majesty any future measure, that we might think expedient, accompanied with the assurance of our anxiety for his Majesty's personal ease and comfort, instead of improperly pressing the question on his Majesty, we were simply doing that, which not to have done, would have been to have justly subjected ourselves to the reproach of every honest and honorable mind. No change in his Majesty's councils ever prostitutional duced so violent an embarrassment amongst the pledge. persons calling themselves King's Men, as the present. The unconstitutional pledge against the oath of a privy counsellor was too rank and glaring to be openly abetted by any man, who even pretended to principle. The progress of the transaction for the first three weeks was too substantially established to admit the surmise of any misconcep tion. And his Majesty's offer to continue his servants, if they would sign the pledge demanded, was a full refutation of any intended imposition or deception against which it would be no security, when signed. 1807. wicke's au Ireland had been governed for five years by Lord Hardwicke, during which he and his undermana- Lord Hardgers had contrived to keep the grand question of dience of the emancipation at rest, under a hollow semblance of conciliation. It was natural therefore for his Lordship to sympathize with those, who had openly professed, that their aim was to continue that system of keeping the Irish Catholics satisfied and quiet without the attainment of what he had been expressly sent over to prevent their enjoying. His Lordship having had serious differences with Mr. Pitt and Mr. Foster in the latter end of his viceroyalty, had formally attached himself to the Grenville party. He well understood the open and secret movements of the court and cabinet: and under all these alarming symptoms he waited upon the King, and solicited a private audience, which was the more readily granted, as his Lordship had long been a personal and confidential favourite of his Majesty. He came, he said, to perform an ungracious duty, His Majesty would be sensible, Irow unpleasant it was to him to state opinions opposite to those of his Sovereign, in his presence, which nothing but his Majesty's own interest, and that of the Empire would have forced him to do. The King said, he was fully persuaded of that; for that he and his family had never joined any faction, and he hoped never would. Lord Hardwicke then entreated his Majesty to consider, whether it would not be most advisable for him to be satisfied with the concession his ministers had made in giving up the Catholic Officer's Bill with |