table; when Mr. Dickenson rose to oppose it: but previously called upon Lord Howick to inform the House, whether he were as yet authorized to com. municate his reasons for having postponed the 2d reading of the bill. His Lordship answered in the negative. At the same time, he was free to declare, that, although he had then received his Majesty's commands to deliver up his seals, his Mar jesty had thought proper to send for persons, not employed as his servants, who were then actually engaged in forming arrangements for a new administration. The eclaircissements and minutie of the cabinet tactics forced from the mouths of the parties in this most extraordinary contest for power, furnish more knowledge and evidence of the system, than all the historical documents from the reign of Alfred to the establishment of the doubly refined management of the court and senate by Sir Robert Walpole. The Exposè made by Lord Grenville in the Lords, and by Lord Howicke in the Commons on the same day forms a most instructive and important lesson upon the systematic use lately made of his Majesty's ministers. After the King had declared his intention of forming a new administration, and had actually appointed some of his new servants on the 26th of March, Lord Hawkesbury proposed an adjournment for some days, in order to complete the new arrangements*, when Lord Grenville rose, and af i... • The new ministers were appointed on several days for the ́arrangements could not be so hastily settled, as the system was anxious to get rid of the Whig or independent part of the old 1807. 1807. ter having pointed to the particular situation, in which the government of the country then stood, he remarked, that when about six years before he and other servants of his Majesty had retired from office, they did it without explaining their motives: ministry. It was then considered at an end, and the new ap- On the 25th of March. Earl of Westmoreland to be Lord Privy On the 26th, do, On the 30th, do. Lord Hawkesbury, Secretary of State for the Home Department. Lord Visc. Castlereagh, do. Colony and Geo. Canning, Esq. do. for Foreign Earl Camden, Lord President of the Hon. Spencer Perceval, Chancellor of Earl Bathurst, President of the Board of Right Hon. Geo. Rose, Vice President. Right Hon. S. Perceval, Marquis of Tichfield, Lords of the Treasury. April 1. Hon. W. Elliott, Wm. Sturges Bourne, Earl Chatham, Master General of the Sir James Pulteney, Secretary at War. Duke of Richmond, Lieut. Gen. and Duke of Montrose, Master of the Ilorse the consequence was, that great misrepresentation 1807. took place, and their characters suffered much. 1807 Lord Gren ville's Ex dismissal. To prevent similar effects, he spoke to the general subject nearly as follows. On three questions only did Mr. Pitt and Mr. pose of his Fox agree during the course of their long political lives. These were the sinking fund, the abolition of the slave trade, and what is called the Catholic question. Two of these had been carried; the first as soon as it was proposed, and the second after great delay, and having to encounter every species of artifice and misrepresentation. The third rested upon such grounds of justice and policy, that he could not conceive how any one, who understood the interests of the country could oppose it. it. On a former occasion, he had sacrificed objects of ambition and gratification, and he was ready to make such sacrifices again. He did it upon the principle, that four millions of subjects were to be governed by conciliation and kindness, and not by intolerance and exclusion. Different overtures were afterwards made to him for his assistance. His answer invariably was, that his Sovereign might command his services, but he never would relinquish the privilege of speaking his mind on the question. An opportunity afterwards arose, when the Catholics of Ireland wished to have their case taken into consideration. They did him the honor of selecting him to present their petition, which he wil lingly accepted. Upon the event of the motion, which he then made, it was not necessary for him to trouble the House with any observations. The majority, who rejected it, could not have been understood, as having given a lasting pledge, that they would never accede to it. Some months after that, the country was deprived of the great Statesman, who then was at the head of his Majesty's councils. The King sent for him, under the impression, that he might be useful, not in supplying the loss of that great man, for that was impossible, but in forming another administration. In forming that administration, he did recommend sucht persons, as he considered to entertain sentiments most congenial to the constitution, most of whom were known to be friends to the principle of granting every indulgence to the Catholics. When they were known to entertain such sentiments, could he conceive, that they would be called upon to exercise their duty in any other mode than the constitution required, which was in the words of their oath, to give "full, fair, and open counsel to their Sovereign," and to advise him upon all occasions, to the best of their judgments? No idea was ever holden out to them, that there was any objection to the concessions in favour of the Catholics, Far from it. Within these few days even, he had authority to say, that they came into council with their judgments unfettered. He would at the same time acknowledge, that it was not their intention to press any measure of that nature, except necessity required it. He did entertain hopes, that such a degree of satisfaction might be given to the Ca-tholics by his Majesty's representative in Ireland; he did hope, that they would find that security in the constitution of the cabinet, that they would not think it necessary to stir the question. His 1807... |