jority of 26*. The Dukes of York and Cumber land, Lords Eldon and Hawkesbury had frequent

✦ Mr. Giffard's speech at the Post Assembly on this requisi tion was too pointedly illustrative of the genuine spirit of the sys tem, which had not been at any one moment extinguished dur ing the 13 months of a supposed adverse administration, not to submit it to the reader; who will make his own remarks upon it. It prominently presses upon the political necessity of the royal Veto, and shews how strongly that gentleman sympathized with the higher powers, in separating the Catholics of Ireland from communion with that centre of unity, in which they hold the essence of the government of Christ's church upon earth to coll sist. After an affected preamble upon his love for his Catholic countrymen, he spoke to the following purport. I have read speeches stated to have been made at Roman Catholic meetings, and not contradicted; and I mean to found my arguments upon those speeches. If they wish to petition Parliament, let them. It is their right to do so; we can petition also, and shew our ob jections. A reporter of one of the speeches says, that those, who had supported them, had now, abandoned them, In their speeches they assume, that they are the people of Ireland; that we are but a small party; they say their's was the religion of Alfred, of our Edwards and Henrys, the conquerors of France. When Henry the Second came here, the Irish were Catholics, and if the bishops of that day could, like Elijab, have bequeathed their inanules to the present, we should embrace them as brethren, and as fellow freemey. They refused the mandates of Pope Gre gory. Why don't the Priests of this day look within the realm for a head to their church? Let them renounce obedience to a fo reight State! 1 oppose only their subjugation to the Pope! Le them take the oath, that we have taken; that the King is the head of the church, and I will be the first to hail their introduc tion amongst us. When Henry the Second came here, all the other Kings in Europe were led by the Priests; and had not the Irish afterwards sunk into this base slavery, we would now be the happiest people on the face of the globe. When the relaxation

access to his Majesty, The differences in the cabinet were publicly canvassed. Lord Grenville had

The

of the popery laws first commenced, I rejoiced at it. I was pre-
sent when Mr. Gardiner and Mr. O'Neill first exercised their ta-
lents and influence to take off restrictions; and then I little
thought what the consequences would be. (Here Mr. Giffard
made some animadversions upon the Catholic clergy, the sub-
servient condition of the Pope to Bonaparte, and the accuracy of
Sir Richard Musgrave's history!) We are charged with being
Orangemen. But surely, when bad men conspire, good men
should associate. When the Orange system began, the rebellion
was far advanced in its organization. Poor men, who were
loyal in the country, if they had not associated, they would
have been destroyed singly. From this the gallant yeomanry
arose. Vinegar Hill witnessed their prowess. The aid of Eng-
land has been extolled. Why, England did nothing.
English militia were too late. It was the Irish yeomanry retook
Wexford, and saved 17 devoted Protestants upon the point of
massacre at the bridge, each with a pike and a Priest at his
throat. I am sorry to be goaded to a repetition of things. If
government, and they will let us alone, we will strive to forget
them, I am an Orangeman; I speak in the presence of Orange -
men, and I know nothing in the system adverse to that great
principle of the Christian faith; love your neighbour, and do to
all men, as you would, that they should do to you. Would to
God all Protestants were Orangemen! I wish the Catholic every
enjoyment, under and consistent with our happy constitution.
I would not deprive the Jew of his synagogue; the Mahometan
of his mosque; much less would I wish to injure the Catholic;
a fellow Christian, who acknowledges the same Redeemer with
myself. But I would not put a sword into the hand of a mad
man, as much in mercy to him, as to myself. I will propose
then to petition the House of Commons by our representatives
and the House of Lords by the son of our King, the Duke of
Cumberland, a name dear to the constitution, to whom I had the
honor of bearing an address from this house, and who was graci
ously pleased to desire me to tell the citizens of Dublin, while he

1

*,

1807.

1907.

Minister's Conduct

Catholics.

a special audience of his Majesty at Windsor. The bill was given up or abandoned by Lord Howick, but the ministers were forced to resign: and inasmuch as the consequent change in his Majesty's councils was the triumph of the system and the empire is now groaning under their rule, it is of the last consequence to the welfare of Ireland, that the particulars of the expulsion of their predecessors and their introduction into the uncontrouled powers of the state should be faithfully placed before her eyes, as a denouement of the piece of deception so long played upon her.

The new men, who had served in several capaaa nst the cities under Mr. Pitt, and now he had been dead for some time, assumed a confidence and consequence, which upon his immediate demise they had not arrogated, but had unanimously declared their incompetency to wield the machine of state. They were rouzed into courage by the secret advisers of the crown to assume the awful charge in the strength of the court influence, and armed with all the antiquated weapons of state intrigue, used during the two last centuries, with the single exception of the cry of the Pretender. Their most devoted newspaper of the 6th March, having given a list of the new arrangements, said, "Such is the Protestant administration, which his Majesty

1

lived they had a friend, and a friend to the constitution. I now moye, That a petition be presented to both Houses of the Imperial Parliament, praying them to maintain the constitution in Church and State, by refusing the present demands of the Roman Catholics of Ireland.”

firmly attached to those principles, which seated his family on the throne, has appointed to replace a ministry, that would have put the power "of the sword into the hands of Catholics, and I have made Catholics the generals of our armies and the admirals of our fleets." Mr. Pitt and his co-operators raised the question of Catholic emancipation (certainly for the immediate purposes of deception). They endeavoured to retain the affections of the Catholics by professing a constant attachment to that object. The new men more bold, (perhaps less insincere) put every thing in hazard, by avowing their own systematic hostility to the Catholics, and denouncing all their friends in Parliament, as determined enemies of their King, their country, and their religion.

1807

the secret

the crown.

If the secret advisers had counselled his Majesty Real conser to dismiss his ministers upon unconstitutional quence of grounds, it is evident, that their immediate suc- advisers of cessors by accepting of their places became responsible for the advice, and must stand or fall by it. Although none of them should have been the actual advisers of the removal of their predecessors, yet was it through them and by their means, that the advice was effectuated. They must therefore give up to Parliament the secret advisers, however exalted their station, or remain responsible for the advice. The sole ground of dismissal was the refusal to give the written pledge never more to recommend under any circumstances whatever, any further Catholic concession. Had his Majesty dismissed them, as some wickedly gave out, be

1807. cause they had attempted to impose upon or deceive his Majesty, who was timely warned of it by his trusty servant Lord Viscount Sidmouth, it was out of all probability, that his Majesty should af terwards have offered to retain them in his service upon signing a pledge. What security was a secret or even public pledge against a deceiver and impostor?

Result of

the secret advisers council.

6-0

Once the secret advisers of the crown had so far worked upon the royal mind, as to dismiss the Grenville administration, no chance was to be left to repentance or retractation. Therefore the two most prominent of the presumed advisers Lords Eldon and Hawkesbury, obeyed his Majesty's commands, communicated to them through the Duke of Cumberland, in setting off for Windsor at seven o'clock in the morning of the 19th of March; they remained there till three o'clock in the afternoon, and then returned to London to the Duke of Portland, who was too infirm even to travel to Windsor; with special instructions to advise with his Grace upon the formation of a new administra tion: directing his Grace at the same time to take for his guidance the advice and opinion of Lord Lowther and Lord Melville. Lord Chatham was also brought up from Harwich and consulted upon the final arrangements. On the 23d of March, Lord Euston presented a petition from the Chancellor, Master and Scholars of the University of Cambridge against the bill for allowing persons of every religious persuasion to enter into the army and navy. The petition was ordered to lie on the

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