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the pledge given at that period. The only objec- 1907. tion started, appeared to be by those, who thought the proposed measure, by going farther than the act of 1793, established a new principle of concession, which ought not to be acceded to. It would now therefore be necessary for him to state, in what the two measures differed. The first difference was, that the proposed measure went to permit persons of every religion to serve in the navy as well as in the army. When the Irish act was passed, it was distinctly stated, that in the bill to be submitted to the British Parliament, leave to serve in the navy would be included, and the only reason, why it was not included in the Irish act was, that Ireland had no navy. The same principles, which induced his Majesty's ministers to propose the adoption of a similar law for the two countries, induced them to propose the abolition of restrictions. Consistency. For nothing could be more incongruous, than the consequences of these restrictions, which might be attended with considerable inconvenience to the service. A Catholic might, by the Irish act, rise through the regular gradation, and become a field officer; he might become a major, a lieutenantcolonel; a colonel; in this last capacity, he might have the command of a corps equal in number to that frequently under the orders of officers of a superior rank. He might shew himself eminently qualified for a situation of greater trust; he might distinguish himself to such a degree, as to be called upon by the voice of the army and the peo

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180 ple to fill that situation; but it would be impossible to create him a major general! This was a great discouragement to the Catholic officer. was a great disadvantage to the country, which by such restriction, might lose the services of many brave and skilful men. And, after all, it must be considered, that the proposed measure only enabled his Majesty to appoint such persons to situations of high importance. This appointment must depend upon the executive government, which would, of course, be discreet in the exercise of its power. In addition to the advantage of enabling the country to avail itself of the whole extent of its population, without any of these restrictions, which operated merely to keep up a spirit of discontent, and to damp that ardour, which might otherwise be so successfully directed to the public service, the proposed measure, in addition to these things, provided for all, who should enter into his Majesty's service, the free and unrestrained exercise of their religion, as far as it did not interfere with their military duties. Perhaps it would be said, that this might be accomplished in another way, by giving directions to that effect; but he was apprehensive, that this could only be partially done; besides, the insecurity and instability of such a mode of proceeding would deter the Catholics from entering the army, and would furnish to those, who might be desirous of preventing them, sufficient means of persuasion. Let them have full security in the shape of a clause in an act of parliament; let them have the sanc

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tion of the legislature, and all doubt would be removed. If there were any possible utility in this provision, when it was considered, that it could be attended by no inconvenience or danger, he trusted it would meet with no objection. He had thus stated briefly the objects of the proposed bill. Briefly, because he was not aware, that in that stage, the measure would occasion any debate. The abolition of the restrictions in point of rank would place before the sons of the gentry of Ireland, those fair objects of ambition; it would open to them that course of glory,, the pursuit of which was synonimous with the advancement of the best interests of the empire. On the commonalty of Ireland the measure, must have a powerful effect, by affording a salutary check to the encreasing superabundant population of that country; as it would induce numbers to enter into the service of his Majesty, even of those, who by their own discontents, and by the artifices of others, had so lately been urged into insurrection and rebellion. He therefore moved for leave to bring in a bill, for enabling his Majesty to accept the services of all his liege subjects, in the army and navy, on the terms therein mentioned.

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Mr. Perceval rose, not so much to object to particular measure, which was proposed, as to press his fears, that this was but the beginning

1807.1

the Mr. Perceex- tion, and

val's objec

motion a

of greed to.

a system, which would in its consequences, when

fully disclosed, be highly dangerous to the constitution and Protestant establishment. He perceiv ed, that step by step, and from day to day, they

1807.

were bringing forward measures, which he thouglit must end in the total repeal of the Test Act. He could not consider, that it would be for the interest of Ireland, as he was firmly persuaded, that nothing was more important for the welfare of Ireland than a Protestant establishment and a Protestant ascendancy. There was no man, who was a greater. friend to toleration than himself, or who would more wish, that every person should have the free exercise of his religion; but it was, because he was a friend to toleration, that he did not wish to favour a religion, which had been always intolerant when in power, to the prejudice of the established religion, which had always practised toleration. It was always on the ground of toleration, that those innovations were brought forward. One day, in the name of toleration, the house was called upon to grant a sum of money to educate Priests for the purpose of preaching the Catholic religion to 3,000,000 of people, and the next day they were called upon to grant still farther concessions. The reasoning of the Hon. Gentleman, who supported ・those perpetual concessions appeared to rest on this principle, that one religion is very nearly as good as another, and that, therefore, no man's religion should disqualify him from political power. They seemed to think, that the reformation itself was a mere political measure. The noble Lord (Howick) had professed the most decided and absolute preference for the established religion; but still he had voted for the granting funds to the preachers of

the Catholic religion. Many might suppose, that this was quite agreeable, not only to liberality and sentiment but to sound policy; but he entertained an opinion directly to the contrary. Lord Temple contended, that the whole of the argument of the Hon. Gentleman went the length of overturning every principle of policy and justice, which one sect of Christians ought to entertain for another. They were arguments better calculated for the dark ages of unenlightened man, than for the more polished æra of the nineteenth century. Mr. Montague and Mr. H. Browne were against the motion. Mr. Freemantle, Mr. Plomer, and Mr. Corry, spoke in favour of it. Leave was then given to bring in the bill: it was read a first time, and ordered for a second reading on that day se'nnight.

1807.

on the eve

In the cabinet, in the senate, in the country at Measures large, every engine was set to work to accelerate of the and secure the explosion of the broad-bottomed charge. 'administration, as the ministers were now usually called. Lord Sidmouth threatened to withdraw his forces from the support of government, and go over into open opposition, Petitions flowed in from different corporations against the measure. The Marquis of Titchfield presented to the House of Commons a petition from the University of Oxford against the bill. At the Quarter Assembly at Dublin, Mr. Giffard proposed a petition to Parliament against the general claims of the Catholics, and specifically against the bill then pending, which was seconded by Mr. Cope, and carried by a ma

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