ous and desperate task, neymen were equal to. which none of his jour- 1806 They reluctantly there but facts. And as a voucher for those facts, it is hereunto subjoined. On the 7th of May 1804, when the Marquis of Stafford rose in the House of Lords to make his motion according to notice upon the state of the defence of the country, the Chancellor had some private conversation with him, and then addressing the House, he assured them, that in addition to his former reasons for wishing the motion to be further postponed, he felt it his duty to declare, from what came within his own immediate knowledge, that circumstances had now occurred, which rendered the agitation of the question still more objectionable than at any former period. It was therefore put off for some few days with the consent of Lord Stafford. On the same day in the Commons, when Mr. Fox had proposed to defer his motion on the same subject to a short day, Mr. Rose informed them, that a Right Hon. Member of that House (Mr. Pitt) had received his Majesty's commands to lay before him a plan of a new administration for his Majesty's consideration. On that morning Mr. Pitt was accompanied to Buckingham House by the Chancellor. Mr. Pitt was closeted with the King for three hours: the Chancellor left it sooner. Mr. Pitt on that occasion consented to accept of his former situation: and he undertook to submit on the next day a plan of a new administration. It was industriously given out and universally believed, that his Majesty had been advised specially to exclude Mr. Fox from the list. As to all others Mr. Pitt had a carte blanche. PROTEST AGAINST THE REJECTION OF LORD KING'S MOTION FOR OMITTING COUNCIL. " DISSENTIENT, First, Because it is of the highest importance, that in the appointment of her Majesty's Council the public should have every 1805. fore yielded to the imperious necessity of declining the attempt from conscionsness of their absolute security, which previous conduct can afford, that the persons composing the same will not act under any undue bias, but that whilst they follow the course prescribed to them by their duty, for restoring his Majesty to the public exercise of the royal functions, whenever he shall be in a capacity to resume them, they will neither expose his Majesty to the danger of a too early pressure of business, nor concur in representing his Majesty as qualified to act in his high office, before his recovery shall be complete. Secondly, Because it appears by the evidence of Dr. Heberden, taken on oath before a Committee of this House, "that he was first called upon to attend his Majesty on the 12th of February, 1804; that he believed his Majesty presided at Council, on the 23d of April following; and that he should consider the interval between those periods as constituting the duration of his Majesty's disease at that time." Yet, nevertheless, it appears from the journals of this House, that between the two days above-mentioned, John Lord Eldon, being then Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain, did, on the 5th of March, 1804, receive, and in his Majesty's name, signify his Majesty's consent to a bill, entituled, "An act to enable his Majesty to grant the inheritance in fee-simple of certain manors, messuages, lands, and bereditaments, in the parishes of Byfleet, Weybridge, Wallin, Wallinleigh, and Chertsey, in the county of Surrey, to his Royal Highness Frederick Duke of York and Albany, for a valuable consideration; and that he did also put the Great Seal to a commission, dated 9th March, by virtue of which fifteen bills received the Royal Assent; as well as to a commission, dated March 23d, under which seventeen other bills received the Royal Assent; although his Majesty was, at that time, as ap pears by the evidence above recited, afflicted by a malady of the same nature and character with that, which has now occasioned a suspension of the Regal functions. Thirdly, Because it further appears from the same evidence, "that after the period, when his Majesty was so far recovered inability to effect it. Still clinging however to their deleterious principles, although a change of system were for the moment to be adopted, they exerted their wicked powers to prevent the concert, efficacy and duration of the new arrange as to be able to transact business at any period of any day, he still retained such marks of indisposition about him, as made it expedient that some one of his physicians should be about his person for some months afterwards; and that Dr. Heberden was in attendance on his Majesty so late as the end of October;" and it was stated in debate, and not denied, that, during this latter périod, and particularly on the 10th of June, 1804, when it was understood and believed, both by this House and the public, that his Majesty was perfectly recovered, his Majesty not only continued in a state, which required medical guidance, but that both Dr. Symmons and his assistants were still in attendance on, and possessed a control over his Majesty; yet, that nevertheless, while his Majesty was still subject to such personal controul, the said John Lord Eldon, as Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain, did receive his Majesty's pleasure on divers important matters of his Majesty's Regal Government, and did, in virtue of his said office, perform various public acts requiring the sanction of the King's authority. Fourthly, Because John Lord Eldon having so conducted himself, is not,in, our own judgment, a person, to whom the sacred trust of acting as one of her Majesty's Council in the care of his Majesty's person, and in the discharge of the other most important duties, by this act committed to the said Council, can with propriety or safety be committed. 1806. 1806. ments, with a view to the early resumption of their own situations. The new ar- On the 3d of February his Majesty once more sent concluded. for Lord Grenville, and read to him a written pa rangements per, expressing his royal consent to the proposals, which he had taken time to consider upon: with a special exception, that no change in the government of the army should be effected without his Majesty's express approbation. The inflexibility of Mr. Fox's principles under all possible changes was more dreaded, than the lately (perhaps) partially altered policy of Lord Grenville. The King's mind had been long poisoned against the former, though the royal feelings had recently been rendered sore at some changes, and the newly assumed firm nessof the latter. It was notorious, that a radical change of the whole system could emanate only from the principles of Mr. Fox. The abettors, therefore, of the old system, were peculiarly anxious, that Lord Grenville and as many of his friends, as had worked under Mr. Pitt should be included in the arrangements. As, however, it had been admitted on all hands, that the awful crisis, in which the nation then stood, called for a concentration of all the power, talent and experience of the country, it was artfully contrived, that Lord Sidmouth and his insignificant party, well known for their obsequiousness to the system, should be forced upon the new ministry, with a secret commission to observe, report and occasionally balance the forescen contests between the Foxites and Grenvillites. With that view was Lord Ellenborough, the Chief Justice of the King's 1805. Bench, without any responsible office of state,' thrown in as a makeweight to the Addington party in the cabinet. It is observable, that not a single individual of Mr. Pitt's relicts either offered himself, or was called upon to take a part in the broad bottomed administration then about to be formed* of the superior talent and virtue of the country, to meet the crisis. Adm. Sir Charles Morrice Pole Lords of the Admiralty. Sir Harry Neale Lord William Russel Lord Kensington Hon. Thomas Erskine, Lord Chancellor. Lord Viscount Sidmouth, Lord Privy Seal. Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord President of the Council. Lord Minto Earl Spencer Mr. Wyndham Lord Grenville Lord Henry Petty Lord Viscount Morpeth John Hiley Addington, Esq. VOL. II. Commissioners for the manage- T |