· tuations, to which their rank entitles them. They 1805. placed in the hands of the former the means of insurrection, and they took from the latter the power they might have by their influence to repress commotions. It was a principle of social nature, to require to be placed on a footing of equality with one's fellow subjects, and to the honor of the laws of England, that principle was particularly sanctioned by them. To argue, as some 'did, that whilst the Catholics were pressed by the whole rigor of the penal code, they were tranquil during the rebellions of 1715 and 1745; but after they had received large concessions, they joined in the rebellion of 1798 to subvert the monarchy and constitution; would against every principle of liberty go to support the cruellest tyranny and most degrading slavery. Mr. Fox ascribed the Irish Union, which was worked into rebellion in 1798 to different causes, such as the French revolution, the mind and energy of those, who felt the grievance of oppression and persecution in the North of Ireland, and the consequences of disappointing the Catholics by the recall of Lord Fitzwilliam, when the cup of expectation was indignantly dashed from their eager lips in 1795. Much stress had been laid upon the sayings of Mr. Arthur O'Connor and Mr. Emmett, that Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform were not considered by the people of Ireland as of more value than a bit of paper or a drop of ink. But it would also be recollected, that those same persons, who wished to revolutionize Ireland, explicitly ad 1803. mitted, that if those measures had been carried, Mr. Fox in continua tion. (they apprehended it under the Administration of Lord Fitzwilliam) their intentions would have been utterly defeated. Mr. Fox then adverted to the late measure of legislative Union, which he had always opposed, and had never since found reason to alter his opinion upon it. He readily admitted, that no distinct promise of redress was then made to the Catholics for no Minister could promise what depended upon the determination of Parliament. But the Right Hon. Gentleman did all he could; he promised to recommend their claims; and they in full confidence of his support, generally gave all the weight they could command to his proposition for the Union: and Mr. Fox knew several, who felt less kindness for the Catholics on that account. The general persuasion was, that after the Union the Catholic claims would be fully granted: and this persuasion was encouraged by the very Gentleman, who was now understood to be most hostile to them t. It was impossible then, that the * The predominant interest of the Catholics was certainly in favor of the Union. No public act of the body ever passed upon it. Many Catholics in Dublin entered into very spirited and judicious resolutions against that fatal measure. And several of the most independent and best informed Catholics individually opposed it. Of all the King's subjects the Irish Catholics had eminently the most urgent reason to oppose the Union, by which they lost their own consequence. Dr. Duigenan's letter to Mr. Grattan contained the following paragraph. "If we were one people with the British nation, the preponderance of the Protestant intérest in the whole passing of the Union should not have been considered by the Catholics as the signal for the redress of their grievances. The printed speech of Lord Sidmouth, published and circulated by authority, confirmed them in that persuasion, by referring to a passage in Dr. Duigenan's letter, in support of the opinion, that no restraints would be necessary after the Union. Some hearty approvers of the measure objected to press it, when there was no chance of success: especially whilst an impression continued in a certain quarter, that to consent to the repeal of the remaining restrictive laws would be an infringement of his Majesty's coronation gath. This weak and wicked doctrine was calculated to produce the greatest confusion, and completely to overturn the constitution. How could the oath framed by Parliament, and administered to King William affect the repeal of statutes passed after he had taken it? And how could the constitution be preserved, should the executive once be prevented from consenting to laws, which the deliberative branches should have advised? If it had been the practice, that nothing should be moved in that House, but such questions, as Gentlemen had a reasonable hope of carrying, the country would have been deprived of most of the laws, which now constitute its greatest pride and boast: for the best measures have in general been first resisted, and have at length succeeded by the per "State would then be so great, that it would not be any longer necessary to curb the Roman Catholics by any restraints "whatever." 1805. CA TNUS AN 1805. Mr. Fox concludes. severance of those, who had introduced them and the good sense of Parliament. Whilst he gloried in being an Englishman, he never could say, that any thing, which Parliament thinks fit to be done, cannot be done. He never could believe, that any branch of our constitution would forget its duty. He lamented, that an opinion on this subject, should have been circulated, said to have been given by one, who had a legislative voice, but who had no right to pronounce any opinion upon matters pending in that House. His Majesty's lawful authority was one of the corner stones of the constitution, which he would ever exert himself in supporting: but he could not remain silent, when he saw interested persons endeavouring to extend that influence beyond its due bounds. It would be a great and incalculable evil, were it to be established as a maxim in that House, that no person must move any measure, however great its benefits, if it were but once whispered about, that it could not be successful, because another branch of the constitution was hostile to it. He could wish to see any sacrifice made for the gratification of the Crown, except the sacrifice of the welfare and security of the country. The man, who countenanced such a sacrifice, was not a loyal subject, was not one, who loved his King, but one, who flattered him in order to betray him. Mr. Fox then touched briefly upon several minor considerations, which he urged as reasons for going into the Committee, and which would not pledge them to the entire concession. He adverted to the anomaly of the military and naval services 1805. |