174

GRANT IS A DOUGLAS DEMOCRAT,

[1860.

three years, but Captain Grant his townsman, was so inconspicuous a citizen that Washburne did not even know him.

Two of the four Presidential candidates being popular Illinoisans, there were practically but two parties in that State-the Lincoln and the Douglas party. Each little town had its Douglas club, and its "Wide-Awake" or republican club. The Galena Wide-Awakes selected for their captain, John E. Smith, an old militia officer..

The Douglas club, delighted that Grant's sympathies were democratic, while his father and brother were both radical republicans, and also desiring the benefit of his professional training, elected him captain, but he absolutely declined to serve, alleging that he had not been long enough in Illinois to vote, and also that he wished to attend to business, and not meddle in politics.

One evening, chancing to be in the hall where the Wide Awakes were drilling, he instructed them for a few minutes on the invitation of their captain. This was the only active part he took in the canvass, but his proclivities were decidedly for Douglas. Before the end of the campaign, that candidate made a speech in Dubuque, and Grant went to hear him. After returning, he was silent, until asked:— "How did you like Judge Douglas?"

"He is a very able, at least a very smart man," replied Grant, "but I can't say I like his ideas. If I had the legal right to vote I should be more undecided than ever.”

His friends inferred that he thought he detected some unfairness or demagoguery. At all events, after this his sympathies tended toward republicanism. Rowley tried to convince him that he was a legal voter, as, computing his residence from the day he arrived alone from St. Louis, he had been in Illinois a year; but dating from his arrival with his family, it was less. Orvil interrupted :—

"Now you had better let Ulysses alone. If he were to vote he wouldn't vote our ticket."

"I don't know about that," replied the captain; "I don't quite like the position of either party. I never voted but once, and that was against Fremont."

1860.] BUT IS CONVERTED TO REPUBLICANISM.

175

"You ought to be ashamed of having voted for Buchanan."

"I didn't; I voted against Fremont. I thought it would be a misfortune for the country if he should be elected. Otherwise I have never meddled with politics.'

The election came. A party of young republicans sat up to receive the returns by telegraph, and before midnight learned that Abraham Lincoln had been chosen President. Then they had a jollification at the leather store. The captain assisted his brothers to play the host, dispensing oysters and liquors, of which all except him partook. He seemed as much gratified as any one at the result, and from that time was regarded by his friends as a moderate republican.

Through the exciting winter which followed the election, Grant manifested far more interest in public affairs than ever before, and was positive in his condemnation of the indecision and imbecility of President Buchanan. In December, he wrote a letter, of course not designed ever to be made public, but from which I can not resist the temptation to take two or three extracts, as showing his personal hopes and his views on public affairs, expressed in the full frankness of intimate friendship:

"In my new employment I have become pretty conversant, and am much pleased with it. I hope to be a partner soon, and am sanguine that a competency at least can be made out of the business.

"How do you all feel on the subject of Secession in St. Louis? The present troubles must affect business in your trade greatly. With us the the only difference experienced as yet is the difficulty of obtaining Southern exchange.

"It is hard to realize that a State or States should commit so suicidal an act as to secede from the Union, though from all the reports, I have no doubt but that at least five of them will do it. And then, with the present granny of an executive, some foolish policy will doubtless be pursued which will give the seceding States the support and sympathy of the Southern States that don't go out. The farce now going on in southern Kansas is, I presume, about at an end, and the St. Louis volunteer General Frost at their head, covered all over with glory. You will now have seven hundred men more in your midst, who will think themselves entitled to live on the public for all future time. You must provide office for them, or some of them may declare Missouri out of the Union. It does seem as if just a few men have

176

DISTURBED ABOUT PUBLIC AFFAIRS.

[1860.

produced all the present difficulty. I don't see why by the same rule a few hundred men could not carry Missouri out of the Union."

Business was dull. In the daytime, friends lounged in the store, and during the long winter evenings there were euchre parties, at which Grant smoked his pipe, but not with his usual serenity. The national troubles weighed upon his mind, and he expressed gravest apprehensions for the future. A friend suggested :—

"There's a great deal of bluster about the Southerners, but I don't think there's much fight in them."

66

'Rowley," replied Grant, earnestly, "you are mistaken; there is a good deal of bluster; that's the result of their education; but if they once get at it they will make a strong fight. You are a good deal like them in one respect -each side under-estimates the other and over-estimates itself."

Few in either section believed that there was serious business at hand. The North thought the South would not fight, because it blustered so much; the South thought the North would not, because it blustered so little. Our sanguine theorists believed that the diffusion of civilization and Christianity had turned the swords into plowshares-that hereafter diplomacy, and not war, was to be the final arbiter in great disputes. Our republicans laughed at conservatives, who had long been crying "Wolf, wolf!" and made "Union-saving"-because always synonymous with some dishonorable concession to slavery-a term of reproach. Conservatives replied with a feebleness which seemed to indicate that even they did not believe much in their own fears. There was a portentous hush and expectancy. It was the quiet that presages the earthquake.

1861.]

FORT SUMTER IS FIRED ON.

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CHAPTER XIV.

THE LONG ROLL.

THE embers so long smoldering blazed at last. On Friday, April twelfth, 1861, came news that South Carolina rebels had attacked Fort Sumter. Then, with clinched lips and flashing eyes, Galena, like the rest of the North, waited the issue for two days.

Monday, the fifteenth, brought intelligence of the capture of the little fortress. The "wolf" had come, and side by side old fearers and old scoffers sprang up to drive him away. The prairies were on fire. In Galena business was suspended. At the leather store, thronging visitors from town and country all talked of the one theme. The quiet captain had never been so excited. His conversation was no longer of horses, or adventures in the Mexican war. He said :-

"I thought I had done with soldiering. I never expected to be in military life again. But I was educated by the Government; and if my knowledge and experience can be of any service, I think I ought to offer them."

The next evening a meeting was called at the large stone court-house. Before the gathering, the town was paraded by a band of musicians, bearing the Stars and Stripes. Everywhere they were received with enthusiastic cheers; for it had just dawned upon the people that the American flag was something more than a pretty plaything-that it was the symbol of national unity and free government-of the fruition of all that the fathers hoped, struggled, and died for.

Among others on the way to the meeting was John A. Rawlins, a young Galena lawyer, of humble birth and selfeducation. Though recently admitted to the bar, he had already gained a large practice, and was the most popular

M

178

MEETING IN THE GALENA COURT-HOUSE.

[1861.

man in his Congressional district. In the Presidential campaign, just ended, he had been the Douglas candidate for elector; and in "stumping" with his republican competitor, he had won high reputation as a popular orator.

Douglas was the leader, the very soul of the Northwestern democracy, and as yet Douglas had not been heard from. Friends said to Rawlins:

"It is an abolition fight; do not mix in; if you do, you will injure our party."

"I don't know any thing about party now," he replied. "All I know is, traitors have fired on our flag."

The hall was filled to overflowing. Mayor Brand, a democrat, was called to the chair. In taking it he intimated that the republicans had brought on the threatened national convulsion. He favored some "honorable compromise," and opposed making war upon any portion of our common country.

His weak-kneed honor sat down. Elihu B. Washburne, the sturdy representative of the district in Congress, sprang to his feet and began fervidly :

"Mr. Chairman, any man who will try to stir party prejudices at such a time as this, is a traitor!"

Shouts of applause followed. Then Washburne offered a series of resolutions, pledging the people to support the Government in maintaining the integrity of the Union and the supremacy of the flag, recommending the immediate formation of military companies, ready for any call, and, concluding :

"Finally, we solemnly resolve, that having lived under the Stars and Stripes, by the blessing of God we propose to die under them!"

Amid loud cheering Washburne took his seat. Then on every side rose the cry, "Rawlins!" "Rawlins!"

The slender, erect, young lawyer, elbowed his way through the dense throng, up to the little open space on the platform, where his pale face, coal-black hair, and flashing eyes, could be seen by the entire audience. He was still thoroughly angry at the advice of his political friends. He spoke in a deep, rich voice, which would have filled a hall