the swarming of Seminary Priests; for his maj. hath told you, that he hath lately received information of Designs against his own life by the Jesuits; and though he doth in no sort prejudge the persons accused, yet the strict enquiry into this matter hath been a means to discover so many other unwarrantable practices of theirs, that his maj. bath reason to look to them.-Nor are these kind of men the only factors for Rome; but there are found among the laity also some, who bave made themselves agitators to promote the interests of a foreign religion, who meddle with matters of state and parliament, and carry on their pernicious designs by a most dangerous correspondency with foreign nations.--What kind of process the proof will bear, and to how high a degree the extent and nature of these crimes will rise, is under consideration, and will be fully left to the course of law. In the next place, let us carefully avoid all Differences amongst ourselves, all manner of clashing about Jurisdictions, and all disputes of such a nature as can never end in any accommodation; for this is still what our enemies would wish, who would be glad to see us ruined, without their being at the charge of it.-And therefore we must now above all other times labour to shew the world the most effectual significations of our loyalty and duty that we are able to espress; for nothing in the world can more discourage our enemies, as on the contrary nething does or can so ripen a nation for destruetion, as to be observed to distrust their own goverument. Be pleased then now to take occasion to manifest such a zeal for the_govern but likewise the benefits and advantages which | tect the Protestant Religion, and to prevent have come of it.-Let no man wonder then, if the Money given toward this Disbanding have been applied toward the payment of the Army as far as it would go there needs no excuse for that which was inevitable. The provision which was made for paying off the Army went no further than till the last of June for part, and the last of August for the rest: but the Fleet was provided for only till the 5th of June; so that the continuation of the Fleet and Army from that time was wholly upon his majesty's charge. And as this was an expence so absolutely necessary to our own interest, in the preservation of our neighbours; that his maj. could not with any honour or safety to himself have avoided it so the service which hath been done by this means to a great part of Christendom is so universally acknowledged, that you cannot but be well pleased to have your share in the honour of it, and will be willing to defray the rest of the charge, which hath far exceeded all that was given by that Act. And his maj. hath found himself in greater streights than he could have imagined, by the unexpected deficiency of the Poll Bill; for whereas it was made a fund of credit for 300,000l. besides a further credit for Stores, the product of that Act hath fallen so strangely short of what the parliament expected from it, that it hath not raised that sum of money, by a great deal, which was allowed to be borrowed upon it; and by this means, they who have furnished Stores upon the credit of that Act will be in danger to be very great losers, unless you are pleased to take some care of them. Thus you have shortly an Account of what hath been doing Abroad, and the Chargement, as to look into the state of that Revenue of it: it is now high time to look a little nearer Home; and surely, in that state of things to which they are now reduced, it is visible and plain enough what must be our business for the time to come. First, we must look to ourselves, and provide for our own safety; for that which the Confederates acknowledge with thanks, we may be sure hath a quite different resentment in other places. And, in order to this, care must be taken so to strengthen ourselves, both at home and abroad, that they who see us in a firm and well-settled estate may have no hopes to surprize, nor any temptation to make an attempt upon us. -And herein it will be necessary to take notice of what his maj. recommended to you, and to weigh very wel the importance of reducing the Sea and Land Forces, and the consequences which may attend such a reducement; for, this be assured, that nothing in the world would more gratify our enemies, than to see us afraid of maintaining ourselves in a posture of defence, which is the only posture they are afraid to find us in.-And that the fears of Popery may not too much disquiet you, be pleased to consider, that you have one security more; since that which was always the interest of his majesty's honour and conscience is now become the interest of his person too, to pro which should support the constant and necessary Charge of it, and to see that it be made equal to it. There are many motives to oblige us to this inspection. First, you see, the king expects it; and then again you cannot but see that nothing is, or can be, of a more public consideration, than to support the dignity of the crown, which is in truth the dignity of the nation: besides, it is unsafe, as well as dishonourable, that the king's Revenue should fall short of his most necessary and most unavoidable Expences.-And, if upon a due examination, it shall be made appear to you, that though there had been no diminution of the Customs, yet no thift or conduct in the world could ever make the Revenue able to answer the certain Charge of the government, much less to discharge those Anticipations which lie heavy upon it; how can it be possible for it to supply those contingencies which happen ever in times of peace, and which can never be brought under any regulation or establishment? -You may be sure, a great and generous prince would be glad, by good managery, to have wherewithal to exercise his royal bounty. But our neighbours have found a way to provent all that: for their vast preparations put his maj. upon a vast expence, to preserve himself and us.-My Lords and Gentlemen; You : now find the king involved in difficulties as great, and without your assistance as insuperable, as ever any government did labour under. And yet his maj. doth not think that there need many words to bespeak your zeal and industry in his service; for the things themselves now -speak, and speak aloud. The public and the private interest do both persuade the same things; and are, and ought to be, mighty in persuasion. If the honour and safety of your country, and, which is next to that, the concerns of your own families and posterities, cannot awaken your utmost care to preserve that govt. which only can preserve you and yours, all other discourses will be to no purpose. There can be no difficulties at all to them who take delight in serving of the king and their country, and love the occasions of shewing it. Such are all here but though the king have bad for many years a large and full experience of your duty, yet there never was a time like this to try your affections. There is so strange a concurrence of ill accidents at this time, that it is not to be wondered at, if some very honest and good men begin to have troubled and thoughtful hearts; yet that which is infinitely to be lamented is, that malicious men too begin to work upon this occasion, and are in no small hopes to raise a storm that nothing shall be able to allay. If you can rescue the king's affairs from such a tempest as this; if you can weather this storm, and steer the vessel into harbour; if you can find a way to quiet the apprehensions of those who mean well, without being carried away by the passions of others who mean ill; if you can prevent the designs of those without doors, who study nothing else but how to distract your counsels, and to disturb all your proceedings: then you will have performed as great and as seasonable a piece of service to the king, as ever he stood in need of. -And when the world shall see, that nothing hath been able to disappoint the king of the assistance he had reason to hope from this session, but that there is a right understanding between the king and his parliament, and that again strengthened and increased by new evidences of your duty and affection, and raised above all possibility of being interrupted; then shall the king be possessed of that true glory, which others vainly pursue, the glory of reigning in the hearts of his people; then shall the people be possessed of as much felicity as this world is capable of; and you shall have the perpetual honour and satisfaction of having been the means to procure so much solid and lasting good to your country, as the establishment of the peace and tranquillity of this kingdom, and consequently of all his majesty's dominions." Address of both Houses for a solemn Fast.] The first Resolves of the house of commons were, That a committee be appointed to consider of Ways and Means for the preservation of his majesty's person: That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, for removing Popish Recusants from London; and that a Committee be appointed to enquire into Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's Murder; as likewise into the Plot. The same day the house agreed with the lords in an Address to his majesty, to appoint a solemn Fast; which was to the following effect: "That Information had been given of a horrible Design against his sacred life, and being very sensible of the fatal consequences of such an attempt, and of the dangers of the subversion of the Protestant Religion and government of this realm, they humbly beseech his majesty, that a solemn day of Fasting and Humiliation may be appointed, to implore the mercy and protection of Almighty God to his majesty's royal person, and in him to all his loyal subjects; and to pray that God will bring to light, more and more, all secret machinations against his majesty and the whole kingdom." All which was accordingly done by Proclamation dated the 25th of October, requiring, that Wednesday the 13th of November should be kept for a general Fast. On the 24th both Houses again agreed on another Address, and, Address concerning Popish Recusants.] Oct. Both houses presented the following Address to the king: 26. "We your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons in parliament assembled, having taken into our serious consideration the bloody and traiterous Designs of Popish Recusants, against your majesty's sacred person and government, and the Protestant Religion, wherewith your maj. hath been graciously pleased to acquaint us: for the preventing whereof, we do most humbly beseech your majesty, that your maj. would be graciously pleased, by your royal proclamation, to command all and every person and persons being Popish Recusants, or so reputed, forthwith, under pain of your majesty's highest displeasure, and severe execution of the law against them, to depart and retire, themselves and their families, from your royal palaces of Whitehall, Somerset-louse, St. James's, the cities of London.and Westminster, and from all other places within ten miles of the same. And that no such person or persons, do, at any time hereafter, repair or return to your majesty's said palaces, or the said cities, or either of them; or within ten miles of the same, other than housholders, being tradesmen exercising some trade or manual occupation, and settled for 12 months last past in houses of their own, and not having an habitation elsewhere, giving in their own names, and the names of all other persons in their families to the two next justices of the peace and that it inay be inserted in the said proclamation, that, immediately after the day limited for their departure, the constables, church-wardens, and other the parish officers, go from house to house in their several parishes, hamlets, constableries and divisions, respectively; and there to take an Account of the names and surnames of all such persons as are Popish Recusants or suspected so to be, as well householders, as lodgers access near your majesty's person: and that your maj. will likewise please to command the lord mayor, and the lieutenancy of London, during the session of parliament, and likewise, the lord-lieutenants of Middlesex and Surrey, to appoint such guards of the Trained-Bands in Middlesex, Westminster and Southwark, and other places adjacent, as shall be thought necessary." To which his majesty was pleased to reply to this purpose : "That you shall have the effect of your desires, and that he would give speedy orders for putting the same in execution." The house then proceeded to scrutinize farther into the Murder of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, as likewise into the particulars of the Popish Plot; and ordered their Speaker to wait upon his majesty, and communicate to him the Informations the house had received of the dangers that his majesty and the nation lay under. To which his majesty was pleased to return: "That he acknowledged the great care of the house for the preservation of his per son and government, &c." and servants; and to carry a List of their "Titus Oates was the son of an Anabaptist teacher, who afterwards conformed, and got into orders, and took a benefice, as this his son did. He was proud and ill natured, haughty, but ignorant. He had been complained of for some very indecent expressions concerning the mysteries of the Christian Religion. He was once presented for perjury. But he got to be a chaplain in one of the king's ships, from which he was dismissed upon complaint of some unnatural practices." Burnet. The picture of this noted man is also drawn with the like features by Mr. North, L'Estrange, and all the court writers of those times, with this only difference, that they are set forth by the last with bolder strokes and stronger colours. A Bill passed to disable Papists from sitting in Parliament.] The following days, the house was almost wholly employed in examining Witnesses and Papers relating to the Plot, in the unravelling of which they testified a very extraordinary zeal; and Oct. 28, to prevent mischiefs in the interval, passed a Bill to disable Papists from sitting in either house of par Report of Coleman's Examination.] They likewise appointed a committee to examine Mr. Coleman, in Newgate, of which Mr. Sacheverell was chairman; who reported on the 30th, "That the prisoner Coleman denied any Design against either the king's life or authority, or that he ever knew or heard of any commissions to raise an army. That he likewise denied, that he ever designed or endeavoured to change the established Religion, or introduce Popery; but confesses, be did attempt to get this parlianfent dissolved, in order to procure liberty of conscience, which he thought they would never grant. In order to which, he solicited 300,000/ from France; adding, that there were no three men in England acquainted with his Designs, or Correspondence; of which the duke of York was one, who, he believes, communicated them to lord Arundel of Wardour.That he farther confessed, that his first Correspondence in France, was by certain Letters he had addressed to sir Wm. Throckmorton; by which means he commenced a second with la Ferrier, on whose death, he sent three or four Letters to la Chaise. That he had also confessed a Correspondence with the Pope's Nuncio at Brussels, which was occasioned by a Proposal from the Pope, to furnish the king with a great sum of money, provided the Catholics here might receive proportionable invour. That upon this, he was dispatched by the duke of York to Brussels to the said non 1 cio, for a farther explanation of that proposal: | agreed to by the house, a Conference was imwho then disowned that he had any authority from the court of Rome to make it; but that he had made it as a private man; offering however, his services at his return to bring it about: that notwithstanding, be had not corresponded with him for three or four years. That the Cypher, with the provincial's mark, was that used between him and father St. Germain: that he used no Cypher to the provincial: that he used another Cypher to Rouvigny's secretary, but not in public concerns.And being then asked, Whether he knew of any other sum proposed or treated on, he answered: That he believed there was, to keep the king from joining the confederates, but could not affirm that any had been paid.” Mr. Wright, a Member, examined and acquitted.] Oct. 31. Mr. Robert Wright, a member, was accused by the Speaker, of having corresponded with Coleman: on which he was examined by the house, and his Papers searched; but acquitted with honour. Mr. Coleman's Letters were then read; of which three were entered in the Journals by Order of the House, viz, one from Mr. Coleman to father le Chaise, a second to the same, and a third from le Chaise, acknowledging the receipt of the two former.* Resolution of the Commons with regard to the Plot.] Upon the Evidence already arisen with regard to the Plot, the house came to a Resolution, and appointed a committee to prepare matters for a conference with the lords upon it; who, the next day, Nov. 1. by sir Robert Sawyer, their chairman, delivered in their Report as follows: "That the house of commons, after examination of several persons, Papers, many of which his majesty did acquaint the house had been communicated to your lordships, and deliberate consideration had thereupon, came to this unanimous Resolution: Resolved, That, upon the Evidence, that has ' already appeared to the house, that this house 'is of opinion, that there hath been and still is a damnable and hellish Plot, contrived and carry'd on by popish recusants, for the assassinating and murdering the king, and for subverting the government, and rooting out and destroying the Protestant Religion;' The house of commons, being very sensible of the imminent danger both the king and kingdom are in, do think it their duty to acquaint your lordships therewith, and do pray your lordships will be pleased to take it into your serious consideration, what Remedies are fit and suitable to be applied for the preserving the king's person and government; to which the commons shall readily concur, as they doubt not of your lordships concurrence to such Remedies as have, or shall be by them proposed to your lordships for effecting this great end." A Conference thereon.] These Reasons being For the Letters themselves, see Appendix No. VIII. VOL. IV. mediately desired and obtained; an account of which was, in the afternoon of the same day, delivered to the house from the committee, by sir Tho. Meres, viz. That my lord Chancellor managed the Conference, and that what was delivered, was as follows: "The lords have considered the Votes of the house of commons, communicated to them at the conference, and have most readily and unanimously concurred with them in it, nem. con. And their lordships are very glad to see that zeal which the commons have shewed upon this occasion, and do fully concur with them : that the most speedy and serious consideration of both houses is necessary for preventing these imminent dangers. In order whereunto, their lordships have resolved to sit die in diem, forenoon and afternoon, and desire the house of commons would do so too. And when their lordships shall have well considered of it, and proper Remedies for these dangers, they will be ready to communicate them to the commons, and will also take in good part, whatever shall be communicated to them by the commons; and will suffer nothing to be wanting on their parts, which may preserve a good correspondence between both houses, which is absolutely necessary to the safety of the king and kingdom." Nov. 2. It was ordered, that Mr. Speaker do address his majesty from the house, That Mr. Coleman may be pardoned on a full discovery, and that otherwise, neither pardon nor reprieve might be granted him; to both which requests, his majesty was pleased the same day to accord. It was likewise ordered, that Mr. Speaker should signify what had passed to Mr. Coleman in Newgate, who replied: "That he was very sensible of the miserableness of his condition; for that he knew there was enough already known to take away his life, and that he did not know enough to save it." Debate on a Motion for removing the Duke of York.] Nov. 4. Lord Russel moved to address the king, That the duke of York might withdraw himself from the king's person and councils. Mr. Booth seconded the motion. Mr. Sec. Coventry. We ought to have no consideration of persons, when the king and the government are concerned, though the thing ought to be done with all the decency that is possible. It might move some gentlemen, methinks, as it has done me, that his royal highness has desired the king that he may remove from his councils; therefore I hope you will not press that farther. Consider the consequence, when one house addresses the king for one thing, and the lords for another, and they neither are of the opinion of the king. An Address is a temporary decla ration, and for the present, and I think this Address not good for the present. The king has sent his Proclamation for Catholics to go out of town: why will you talk of sending the 3 U duke to them, when they are sent from him? You ought to use a decorum, for fear precedents may be made use of upon light occasions. The Letters of Coleman's penning tell you of providing a place for him in France, &c.' Consider what it will be to send the heir of the crown to the king of France. I go along with lord Russel, that the king is not safe, and we ought by all ways and means to secure the king's persou. Your advice is good for the king's guards to be near him; but shall he have them every step he takes, to be weary of them? As long as it is the Catholics' interest to plot the king's death the Jesuits will make it their conscience.. Make a law to secure the king's person, and that will cease. Mr. Bennet. I like that law Coventry mentions; but till such a law be made, I am for the motion of removing the duke, &c. because before that law may pass, the influence of the duke, being near the king, may hinder it. : Mr. Sec. Williamson. I know that nothing can lie in the balance with the government, religion, and the king's person; yet this must bear proportionable respect to him who has exposed his person for the honour of the nation. I confess, if nothing but removing the duke would do, were he yet nearer the king, were he his son, I should be for it. His mixing in the king's affairs with the king may give presumption of jealousy and suspicion. The duke, as we have been told, has prevented our asking his being removed out of the king's councils. The other part is, Whether his personal absence will be the cure, and the only cure of our fears. It is impossible to put them any where, but there may be a communication by letters or secondary hands. To have no influence where there is tenderness of nature and affection, betwixt the two brothers! This will not remedy the thing. I think nothing will provoke the duke to a resentment in his own person; but this is a cutting of him from the stock this Plot when represented to posterity! Such a villainous design to precipitate and hasten nature, to bring the duke to the crown, by murdering the king? This is a villainy never to be forgotten: there is a time in nature when the duke has his time to be upon the throne, (pray God make it safe!) The fears are these; if possible, by any kind of foresight, that when that comes, the heir of the crown may not disturb Religion, or the Government; the other, to keep off violent hands that would hasten the king's death. Now, it is apprehended that the removal of the duke leaves you at full ease and security, that you may act for the safety of Religion and the king's person. But how far is this from helping you! I see it rather endangers a desperation of that party. Though the whole party be in such a despair, they would seek hell to bring about their designs. Where should the duke be removed? Is not the king in less danger by having the duke in his eye, when he sees all company and addresses that are made to him? The duke would not be suffered to attempt the least hair of the king's head. No countries are to be trusted with the duke, in this case, and it cuts off no pos sibility of a degree of the duke's influence upon the king, if at a distance, as when he is in the same room. I have sat here, with trouble for, Popery, several sessions, but I never suspected this horrible Plot, &c. and what was done at every meeting, principally aims at it. And I agree with lord Russel's motion. Humanly what you can do may come too late: but these will be violences that are needless, and let every man lay his hand upon his heart, and God direct us all! Col. Birch. I agree, that if this session will not establish the Protestant Religion, and secure the king's person, it will never be to any purpose to do more. Williamson tells us, that, by reason of the rising Sun, Popery comes on; and, it may be, you may have a majority here; and, by what I heard from the two Secretaries, I think what is moved is absolutely necessary. Observe Coleman's Papers, and let every man answer to God, and his own conscience, whether this motion is not necessary. If I was one near his highness, I honour him so much, that I would advise him to retire, &c. till the nation was secured in their fears. As for the laws that Coventry moved, we may all stand still, and have our throats cut whilst they are making; but till laws are made to begin in the next king's time, that, whoever he is, he may not be able to destroy the Protestant Religion, nor our Property, we can never be safe. Mr. Solicitor Winnington. I think we are in as great difficulty in this debate, as ever we or our forefathers were. I stand obliged to the duke above all persons, though I have declared myself for the Protestant Religion; so that I am to do two things, not to show ingra titude to the duke, and yet to shew myself for the Protestant Religion. I find that all gentlemen that speak in this case are of one mind for the Protestant Religion; not one division, nor opposition; we differ in mediums, but are unanimous in the end. But I confess the thing you are upon has not that import to do you good, as it has to do you prejudice. As to what has been moved to-day by the honourable lord Russel; I believe, had he known what he did of the duke in the lords house, the motion had not been made; but seeing it is for the Protestant Religion, I would not have it receive a baffle. After the happy conjunction with the lords in all things relating to the Plot, the house then began to think of the obstructions the duke might make to their proceedings. I will not say that the duke is a Papist, but I believe it. The lords thought, if the duke was removed things would go on. The duke has complied and satisfied the lords. I say, such an Address as this may occasion a dissimulation, I mean a dissention, between the two houses, and it may divide us; which if so, I look upon the Protestant Religion to he gone. You make an Address different fram |