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118 Caverhill's Explanation of the Seventy Weeks of Daniel. brain, it is not impossible but it may have contributed much to his conversion from a physiologist to a theologue. Or if such clementary earth hath, in its passage from the pericranium to his great toe *, overheated the nervous system, it is not improhable but the public may owe this learned enquiry, into the meaning of Daniel's seventy weeks and the wilful impositions of the historian Josephus, to the Doctor's disappointinent of a regular fit of the gout. Be this, however, as it may, we, who have been obliged by our office ir like manner to peruse the reveries of Hare and others on this edifying subject, without the least edification in the world, could not fail of feeling a most auk ward pain at being again so puzzled and perplexed, Not but that the circumstance which gives pain to us, may give pleasure to others; and thus even another enquiry into the meaning of Daniel's feventy weeks, may have charms for fome kind of readers. To such, therefore, we will beg leave to recommend the perusal of this performance and the chronological tables it contains. The curiosity of others may be satisfied by the following specimen, in which the author accounts for the impositions of the Jewish writers, in fuppressing the circumstances and changing the dates of facts, which they were determined, if pollible, to bring into difcredit.
“ It is recorded by St. Luke, c. xxiv. 27, that Christ, after his refurrection, appeared to two of his disciples, and beginning at Mofes and all the prophets, be expounded unto them in all the fëriptures, the things concerning bimself. St. Paul also at Thesalonica reasoned from the Scriptures, opening and alledging that C)»rijt must needs have suffered and rifu again from the dead, and that this Iesus whom I preach unto you is Chrift. Act. xvii. 3. When Paul arrived at Rome, and a day was tixed upon by his countrymen, to hear his account of the sect of the christians, be expounded and testified the kingdom of Godl, persuading them concerning Jesus, both out of the law of Mojës and the prophets, from morning till evening. Acts xxviii. 23. Apollos also, mightily convinced the Jeous, and that publickly, Merving by the scriptures, that Jesus was Chrift. Aets xviii. 28. From these pallages it muit be inferred, that Christ not only expounded the prophecy of the zo weeks to his disciples, but that Paul and Apollos expounded it to the Jews; and therefore admitting the Jews had not of themselves discovered the expofition, yet they mult be allowed to have been taught it by these two christians. It is however obvious from all the abules chat now exist in their history, operating to conceal the expofition, that they futhiciently understood it.
* According to Dr. C.'s hypothesis, by which he accounts for the gout, the earthy matter of which such stones are composed, is secreted in the brain for the support of the solids : palling through the nerves in a highly diluted state, and thence through the muscles to the bones, where it is Daturally depolited, in the form of ollific substance.
As the priests, according to Josephus, c. Appion. I. i, recorded the pedigrees and other transactions of the year, they were most probably the best bistorians among the Jews, and the first that would be likely to enquire into the truth of the report, that, amongst other arguments, Daniel's weeks were also brought by the Christians, to prove that Christ was the Meíliah. It may therefore be supposed, as soon as they discovered by looking back upon their rolls of pedigrees and other historical papers, that the report was true, and that Christ's birth really stood 7 weeks after Julius Cæsar's decree, and tlie crucifixion 62 atier Ezra's appointment to the government of Judea, that they resolved to take off the argument ; for to men who had resisted the power of Christ's mitacles, and perhaps had given their voice for putting him to death, this auxiliary evidence in support of his being the Melliah, derived from Daniei's weeks, would naturally be looked upon as a chance coincidence. However, that the accident might not have more influence upon the minds of their posterity than it had on their own, or that their posterity might not be troubled with it, or perhaps out of hatred at ieeing such a resemblance between Christ and the Messialı, they undertook to conceal this resemblance, and their attempts have been very successful.
" It is evident, that Jesus Christ could not be shewn to have been the Messiah by Daniel's weeks, till after his crucifixion, when all thcic historical events, by which his affinity with the weeks could be thewn), had happened, and were recorded. There was therefore no other way lett of concealing the athinity, and at the fame time of preserving their own annals, than either by erasing to suppress the events entirely, or to remove them out of the true years in which they stood, and fer them in other years. This was turning a true history, afier it was written, into a false one: accordingly the manner in which all the errors in Josephus exist, proves, that they were framed after his hiftory, or rather perhaps, after the history from which he copied had been truly written.
. It was however very difficult to strike out or transpose every event, lo neatly as that no tracés should renain and dilcover the transpolitions. The difficuliy was encreased by the distance in which the feveial events lay scattered from one another in thcir annals, and from their being interwoven with other events, and hid as it were, under this comolication. These difficulties inay explain the realon why they overlooked those few circumítances which now remain, refuring the several alte rations that have teen made concerning Herod Agrippa, Herod the Great, Judas the Galilæan, and Pontius Pilate. Why, after it was asserted that the tirit and second procurator had had leic Judea, and the third arrived there by the viii of Claudius, that the dates of Claudius's letter escaped unnoticed, hy which the first procurator is ftill thewn to bave been in his government of Judea, in the x of that emperor. Why after it was repeatedly affirmed that Herod the great dicd in the xxxii year from his being made king, that a few words palled unubserved in a distant part or their history, which demonstrated that this Herod must have lived in the 43 year from his being made king : When the revolt of Judas the Galilæan was placed 10 ycars before the Cenfus, that it was not perceived twice recorded in subtequent paris of
320 Caverhill's Explanation of the Seventy Weeks of Daniel. their history, as having happened during the Census. Nor why, after a long story was brought and infered between Pilate's depofition having taken place before the last patlover in Tiberius' reign, that yet a single word was left unaltered, which rendered this allertion utterly impropable."
Elays Commercial and Political, on the real and relative Interests of Imperial and Dependent States, particularly these of Great Britain and her Dependencies : Displaying the probable Causes of, and a Mode of compromising, the present Difpuies between this Country and her American Colonies. To which is added an Appendix, on the Means of Emancipating Slaves, without Lofs to their Proprietors. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Johnson.
Although the many publications, which have already appeared, on the sub ect of the Americ n contest, mayı ake an apology necessary for intruding any thing farther on fo beaten a topic, the present Essayist hopes, if that subject be placed in a new light, it will be deemed a sufficient reason for the prefent performance. The difficulty, indeed, of placing fuch a subject in a new light, claims our candour for the attempt ; nor is it merely an atten.pt which is here submitted to the pubZic; the judicious and ingenious author having not only taken a new route of investi_ation, in refpect to the nost interesting parts of the question, but deduced conclusions from the premifes very
different from those of our common quidnuncs and coffee-hou.e positicians.- lis work is divided into ten sections; the first contaming an introductory dulcourte on the im, ropriety of resisting an establithed government without due cauie; which he contiders to be the present cake with our American Colonies.
In Sect. 2d. he treats of the inotives of Coronization and the compar. tive advantages to Great Kritain, from her different Contini ntal Colonies in North America.. In thi lectie n is included a table of the population, in ports and exp ris, &c. of the Continental Colonies; in which the numler if nhabitants, white and black, i estimated to be 2,400,000, the i alue of their la e annual imporis from Great Britain upwards of three million sterling and and that of their exports to three millions, tive hundred and fifty thoutand pounds.
n Sect. 3. are contidered the principles of policy, whicla ought to sublift between a parent itate and her colonies, confist nt with the reciprocal interests of both. On this head he properly observes, that,
* It cannot be supposed, that any country would colonize or fend, protect and support people in distant countries, for a great lenth of time, and at a vast expence, if it was expected these colonies wo id, as foon as opportunity offered, and they could do without the parentcountry's prorection, repay all her kindness by looking on themselves as an orijinal and independent peopleŅor should it be imagined, that the legitlature of the Mother-cogntry, mould have an uncontroulable, unlimited power, over the properly of the colonists. The line certainly should, and may be drawn io, as to be advantageous to, and answer what ought to be the real interests of both.”
On the several points by which such line inay be drawn, our Efsayift expatiates in this and the following section, descanting particularly on the Newfoundland and Northern Fisheries, and the regulations of the Colony corn cradę.
In Se&. 5. Our author examines into the probable causes and great impolicy of the American insurrection *.
On this subject he speaks with much moderation and good sense; steer. ing a mean course between the partizans of the Colonies and those of the Mother Country.
" That Independency," says he,“ has been from the very beginning of the present dispute the design of the American l-aders, there is great reafon to believe, notwithstanding they made the tax on tea theit oftenfible cause ; for at that time the body of the Americans; conscious of the easy government under which they lived; were not ready to receive that doctrine, which their leaders lince, by sticking at no means; though ever fo falle, to inflame their patsions, have gradually prepared them for. That to answer their purpose they were not ashamed of asserting untruths; is sufficiently obvious from their giving out to thë multitude, that the tax on tea was an innovation and infringement of their liberries, and that the British Parliament never taxed them betore; although they could not but kno! fome, at least, of the precedents just how quoted:
" There was however a second cause that much promoted the prefent troubles (for the information of which I dam obliged to a gentleman, who retided some time in Boston) which was, that Mr. HƏ-k and forne other leaders of the faction were largely concerned in smuggling cargoes of tea from Holland, &c. which trade, so beneficial to them selves, the regulation on tea put a stop to, as the contraband trader had then, supposing his cargo bought as cheap as in England, and success
. On this subject he remarks that, « The Swedish Professor Kalm, who travelled through these provinces on botanical researches in the years 1748 and 1749; observés, that " the inhabitants of the English Colonies were
growing less tender to their Mother-country,” and after advancing their restrictions in commerce, and the great accession of foreigners, wlio genetaily have no particular attachment to Old England, as reasons for their coolness, he mentions this further one : “ That many people can never be " contented, but suffer their excess of liberty and their luxury often to lead de
them into licentiousness." He further says, " they informed him the # English North-American Colonies would, in the space of 30 or so years; ll be able to form a state of cliemleivės iridependent of Old England." VOL. YI.
fully landed, only three-pence advantage over the fair dealer, ialtead of one milling as formerly.-Sich was the difference in favour of America) occasioned by drawing back on exportation the whole English duty, and laying on a dury in America of only three-pence per pound, in place of retaining in England one shilling on the drawback, which was the case before when exported to Ainerica. This advantage.co the Americans was so much loss to the contraband dealers, in propor tion to the trade they carried on, and which trade they saw, potwitho standing they still in general, because the duty was not repealed, per. fifted in their agreement for the non-import of this article, would in all probability be annihilated, fhould the East India Company, * in consequence of the act passed for that purpo'e, be permitted to sell their tea in America. This determined thein to prevent it, which they did in Bollon effectually, by influencing a mob, or people of superior condition, to disguite themselves as Indians, go on board the ships, and throw the tea of the East India Company into the Sea.
“ The loss of this contraband trade,” our author observes, “ being likely to produce a sensible diminution of profit to the before-mentioned persons, joined with their love of independency, has been the unhappy means of deluging their country with blood, and reducing innumerable families from affluence to distress." But, says he, very juftly, “ If the laying on this duty in America, or making it payable there, was as infringement of their natural rights, certainly the retaining part of the drawback was equally fo, as the law permitted them to import none but what they bought of us. This grievance, which was one if the other be, they never complained of; and as we are necessitated to have custom-house officers in America to collect the duties imposed for the regulation of commerce, on articles that come direct from the place of their produce, as well as for other purposes, what difference could it make to America whether the duty was collected by the ofticers there, or retained in England ? In the latter case they would have to pay fo much the more for the article; which would drain their country of spe. cie equally the same, as if the duties were collected there and remitted to Britain (if the taxes were superior to the expences of government there, which they are not). And in either case, the duty, whether retained or collected, is equally for the purpose of raising a revenue, as it could not be for the regulation of trade, the import being adınitted from no where else, therefore the retaining of drawtacks as part of them is equally fubverfi:e of American liberty, as the impofition of milar duties there. As they did not oppose the retaining of the duty in England, though confined to take these articles from thence, if they took them all, it plainly follows, that the duties being made payable in America could be to them no object of dispute. They had it equally in their option to refrain from importing the tea, and paying the tax, as they had before from buying it charged with the English duty. And if, in the former cafe, English residents sent it to them contrary to their inclinations, those who sent it paid the tax, though collected in America. The Americans could not be said to pay it until they pure
* Their mode of sale was to have been the same as in London, in lots by auction.