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XI.

1778.

they burned and destroyed towns, villages, and detached CHAPTER farm houses, plundered the inhabitants without distinction, and brought down the savages with the tomahawk and scalping-knife upon the defenceless frontier settlements, marking their course in every direction with murder, desolation, and ruin. The ministry approved and encouraged these atrocities, flattering themselves that the people would sink under their sufferings, bewail their unhappy condition, become tired of the war, and compel their leaders to seek an accommodation. The effect was directly the contrary in every instance.

The people knew their rights, and had the common feelings of humanity; and, when the former were wantonly invaded and the latter outraged, it was natural that their passions should be inflamed, and that they who were at first pacifically inclined should be roused to resistance and retaliation. If the British cabinet had aimed to defeat its own objects, and to consolidate the American people into a united phalanx of opposition, it could not have chosen or pursued more effectual methods.

The campaign being closed, General Washington prepared to put the army into winter quarters. Nine brigades were stationed on the west side of Hudson's River, exclusive of the garrison at West Point. One of these was near Smith's Clove, where it could serve as a reinforcement to West Point, should this be necessary; one at Elizabethtown; and the other seven at Middlebrook, which place was likewise selected for head-quarters. Six brigades were cantoned on the east side of the Hudson and at West Point, as follows; one at West Point, two at the Continental Village, a post between Fishkill and West Point, and three in the vicinity of Danbury in Connecticut. The artillery was at Pluckemin. A line of cantonments was thus formed around New York from Long Island Sound to the Delaware, so disposed as to afford security to the country, and to reinforce each other in case of an excursion of the enemy to any particular point. The other important objects intended by this dis

Army go

into winter

quarters.

December.

XI.

1778.

CHAPTER position were the comfort, discipline, and easy subsistence of the troops. General Putnam commanded at Danbury, and General McDougall in the Highlands. In the expectation that the British detachments, which sailed from New York, might act in the winter against South Carolina and Georgia, General Lincoln was sent by order of Congress to take the command of the southern department.

Exchange of prisoners.

troops.

The four regiments of cavalry were widely separated; one being at Winchester in Virginia, another at Frederic in Maryland, a third at Lancaster in Pennsylvania, and a fourth at Durham in Connecticut. These cantonments were chosen apparently with a view to the convenience of procuring forage.

The exchange of prisoners continued to be a troublesome and perplexing subject. Arrangements had been made with Sir William Howe, before he left Philadelphia, by which exchanges to a certain extent had been effected. But new difficulties arose in regard to what were called the Convention Troops. Although Congress had ratified the convention of Saratoga, yet for various reasons they did not permit Burgoyne's army to embark for Europe Convention according to the terms of that convention. Washington had no concern with this affair, except to execute the orders of Congress. These troops being thus retained in the country, it was finally agreed, on the part of the British commander, that they should be exchanged for American prisoners in his hands. But the conditions prescribed by Congress were such, that it was a long time before the object was attained. They proposed that officers of equal rank should first be exchanged; next, superior officers for an equivalent number of inferior; and if, after all the officers of the enemy should be exchanged, there should still be a surplus of American officers among the prisoners, they were to be exchanged for an equivalent number of privates of the convention troops.

Obstacles to

This principle was objected to by Sir Henry Clinton of prisoners. on two grounds; first, it separated the officers from the

the exchange

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corps to which they were attached; and, secondly, it gave CHAPTER an advantage to the Americans, inasmuch as their officers could go immediately into active service, whereas the British officers must remain idle till the privates constituting the corps to which they belonged should be released. Congress did not choose to relax from their resolves, and the business of exchange was a perpetual source of vexation. In short, the interests of the two parties were so much at variance, that it was not easy to reconcile them. The difficulty of procuring soldiers in Europe, and the great expense of bringing them over and maintaining them, rendered every man of vastly more importance to the British army, than in the American ranks, which could be filled up with militia when the occasion required. Hence the British general was always extremely solicitous to procure the exchange of his private soldiers, and Congress equally averse to gratifying him in this point. There was another reason, which operated with considerable weight on both sides. The British prisoners were mostly German troops, who had no affection for the cause in which they were engaged, and who, while in the country under a loose system of military discipline, had many facilities and temptations to desert.

There was another cause of anxiety in the breast of Washington, which began now to be felt more seriously than at any former period of the war. The men of talents and influence, who had taken the lead and combined their strength in raising the standard of independence, had gradually withdrawn from Congress, till that body was left small in number, and comparatively feeble in counsels and resource. For the year past, the number of delegates present had seldom averaged over thirty, and sometimes it was under twenty-five. Whole States were frequently unrepresented; and indeed it was seldom, that every State was so fully represented as to entitle it to a vote. And at no time were private jealousies and party feuds more rife or mischievous in their effects. These symptoms were alarming to every true friend of his coun

Jealousies dissensions

and party

in Congress.

CHAPTER try, who reflected on their tendency, and they filled the XI. mind of Washington with deep concern. To those, in whom he had confidence, he laid open his fears, and endeavored to awaken a sense of the public danger. His sentiments and his apprehensions are forcibly expressed in a letter to Mr. Benjamin Harrison of Virginia.

1778.

Necessity of

patriotic zeal and eilort.

Dec. 18.

The ablest men wanted

"It appears as clear to me," he said, as ever the sun did in its meridian brightness, that America never stood in more eminent need of the wise, patriotic, and spirited exertions of her sons than at this period; and, if it is not a sufficient cause for general lamentation, my misconception of the matter impresses it too strongly upon me, that the States, separately, are too much engaged in their local concerns, and have too many of their ablest men withdrawn from the general council, for the good of the common weal. In a word, I think our political system may be compared to the mechanism of a clock, and that we should derive a lesson from it; for it answers no good purpose to keep the smaller wheels in order, if the greater one, which is the support and prime mover of the whole, is neglected.

"How far the latter is the case, it does not become in Congress. me to pronounce; but, as there can be no harm in a pious wish for the good of one's country, I shall offer it as mine, that each State would not only choose, but absolutely compel their ablest men to attend Congress; and that they would instruct them to go into a thorough investigation of the causes, that have produced so many disagreeable effects in the army and country; in a word, that public abuses should be corrected. Without this, it does not in my judgment require the spirit of divination to foretell the consequences of the present administration; nor to how little purpose the States individually are framing constitutions, providing laws, and filling offices with the abilities of their ablest men. These, if the great whole

is mismanaged, must sink in the general wreck, which will carry with it the remorse of thinking that we are lost by our own folly and negligence, or by the desire

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1778.

the separate

perhaps of living in ease and tranquillity during the ex- CHAPTER pected accomplishment of so great a revolution, in the effecting of which, the greatest abilities, and the most honest men, our American world affords, ought to be employed. "It is much to be feared, my dear Sir, that the States, Apathy of in their separate capacities, have very inadequate ideas of States. the present danger. Many persons removed far distant from the scene of action, and seeing and hearing such publications only, as flatter their wishes, conceive that the contest is at an end, and that to regulate the government and police of their own State is all that remains to be done; but it is devoutly to be wished that a sad reverse of this may not fall upon them like a thunder-clap, that is little expected. I do not mean to designate particular States. I wish to cast no reflections upon any one. The public believe (and, if they do believe it, the fact might almost as well be so), that the States at this time are badly represented, and that the great and important concerns of the nation are horribly conducted, for want either of abilities or application in the members, or through the discord and party views of some individuals. That they should be so, is to be lamented more at this time than formerly, as we are far advanced in the dispute, and, in the opinion of many, drawing to a happy period; we have the eyes of Europe upon us, and I am persuaded many political spies to watch, who discover our situation and give information of our weaknesses and wants."

conquering

The conquest of Canada was always a favorite project Project for with Congress; and at this time, when the British forces Canada. were divided by being employed against the French in the West Indies, it was thought that a good opportunity offered itself for turning the arms of the United States against that province. After the termination of the affair at Long Island, the Marquis de Lafayette went to Philadelphia, and obtained a furlough from Congress, with the intention of returning to France on a short visit. In concert with him a plan was formed of an attack on Canada, which was to be the principal object of the ensuing cam

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