Brimha. You are to look upon these as particular manifef tations of the providence of God, for certain great ends, as in the cafe of the fixteen hundred women, called Gopi, when all the men of Sirendiep (the island of Ceylon) were destroyed in war. The women prayed for hufbands, and they had all their defires gratified in one night, and became with child. But you are not to fuppofe that God, who is in this cafe introduced as the actor, is liable to human paffions or frailties, being in himself, pure and incorporeal. At the fame time he may appear in a thousand places, by a thousand names, and in a thousand forms; yet continue the fame, unchangeable, in his divine nature.'

.

Mr. Dow proceeds next to give some account of the Neadir fen Shafter, which, though not reckoned fo ancient as the Bedang, is faid to have been written by a philofopher called Goutam, near four thousand years ago. The philofophy contained in this Shafter, is very abftrufe and metaphyfical; and therefore, in juftice to Goutam, the author of the differtation confefles, that, notwithstanding the great pains he took to have proper definitions of the terms, he is by no means certain whether he has fully attained his end. In this ftate of uncertainty, he chose to adhere to the literal meaning of words, rather than by a free tranflation, to deviate perhaps from the fenfe of his ori ginal.

After Mr. Dów has given an abstract of the first volume of the Neadirfen Shafter, the only volume he is acquinted with, he obferves, that, from what has been faid, we find that the Brahmins, contrary to the ideas formed of them in the weft, invariably believe in the unity, eternity, omnifcience and omnipotence of God; and that the polytheism of which they have been accused, is no more than a fymbolical worship of the divine attributes, which they divide into three principal claffes. Under the name of Brimha, they worship the wifdom and creative power of God; under the appellation of Bifhen, his providential and preferving quality; and under that of Shibah, that attribute which tends to destroy. The differtation is concluded with fome farther remarks, tending to rectify the erroneous opinions which have been conceived with regard to the religion and philofophy of the Brahmins. A catalogue is, likewife, added, of the Gods of the Hindoos; to prevent future writers from confounding themfelves and others, by miftaking fynonimous names for different intelligences.

Such, fays our Author, at the clofe of the catalogue, is the frange fyftem of religion, which prieftcraft, ever ready in all climes and ages to take advantage of fuperftitious minds, has impofed upon the vulgar. There is one thing however to be faid in favour of the Hindoo doctrine, that while it teaches

the

the pureft morals, it is fyftematically formed on philofophical opinions. Let us therefore no longer imagine half the world more ignorant than the ftones which they feem to worship, but reft affured, that whatever the external ceremonies of religion may be, the felf-fame infinite being is the object of univerfal adoration.'

We have dwelt the longer on this article, both because the fubject is very curious, and because Mr. Dow feems to be better informed concerning it than any preceding writer. He finds himself obliged to differ from Mr. Holwell, in almost every particular respecting the religion of the Hindoos.

[To be continued.]

K..s.

MONTHLY CATALOGUE, For NOVEMBER, 1768.

POLITICA L.

Art. 12. A Letter to John Day, Efq; Mayor of Norwich, containying a Letter of Inftructions to Harbord Harbord, Efq; and to Edward Bacon, Efq; Reprefentatives in Parliament for the City and County of Norwich. Dated Oct. 25, 1768. Folio. 1 s. Norwich printed, and fold by Wilkie in London.

TH

HE free and independent citizens of Norwich, have, in these inftructions to their reprefentatives, out-North-Briton'd all the North-Britons, Ordinary and Extraordinary.-We admire their fpirit, however, and fincerely applaud them for fome part of their bold and free documents; tho' in certain articles, of a retrofpective kind, particularly with regard to the late treaty of peace, we think they have gone rather too far.

Art. 13. A Letter to the Right Hon. William Lord Mansfield, Lord Chief Juftice of England, upon fome late Star-chamber Proceedings, in the High Court of King's Bench, against the Publifhers of the Extraordinary North-Briton, N°. IV. By the Author of that Paper. 8vo. 1 S. Printed for the Author, at the Lottery office, No. 44, near Fetter-Lane, Holborn. This Writer's mind feems to be more and more enflamed by his fufferings under profecution. He expoftulates, reproaches, and even threatens the hand which holds the rod over him. He is certainly a bold man; but whether he is a wife one, those who are in the fecret of his affairs are bett enabled to judge.

Art. 14. The Conflitutional Right of the Legislature of Great Britain, to tax the British Colonies in America, impartially flated. 8vo. I s. 6d. Ridley.

However impartial this writer may pretend to be, he is an imperious affertor of the right he profeffes to ftate fo fairly. It is not without due

reafon

reason that he tells his reader, in his introduction, he has stated his argument in a new light; his conclufions being deduced altogether from principles of flavery. We are told that the conduct of antient Rome toward her provinces is the fairest pattern to follow; and her inflexible refolution, is recommended to our imitation: the diftinction between conquefts, and colonies peopled by ourfelves, may be fuppofed immaterial, as it is not made. But then,-the focial compact comes across us; this is obviated by referring to the flavish governments of the Eaft. Where is their focial compact? where their fovereignty they are as the beafts of the field, the property of their masters, the sheep of his paftures. The other nations of Europe, they are the humble and obedient fubjects and vaffa's of their refpective fovereigns and lords; who think for them, and act for them; and demand and receive an inplicit fubmiffion. In fhort, he advances backward, as Teague faid, deriving government from flavery, inftead of deducing flavery from the abufe of government. Liberty, according to this writer, exifts no where but in Britain, nor should it exift any where else. Should an objector pronounce the Americans flaves, from this doctrine, No, fays he, you talk idly; if the Americans do not like their lot, they may come home again; whereas our foldiers and failors are worse still, being confined to their fubordination.

Inftead of arguing with this defpotic gentleman, we would only recommend it to him, to go to the Porte, put on the turban, and folicit to be made a Basha. N.

Art. 15. The prefent State of the Nation: particularly with respect to its Trade, Finances, &c. &c. Addressed to the King and both Houfes of Parliament. 8vo. 2 s. Almon. 1768. Were the internal ftate of the nation as eafy and happy, as its exertions in the late war were formidable and fuccefsful, there would be very little reafon for a literary publication of it and if it were poffible to conceal how greatly our contefts with ambitious neigh bours have encumbered our finances; no good end could be answered by proclaiming the diftreffes of government. But when enemies are fufficiently apprized of the ftate of our affairs, and friends are ready to defpair with apprehenfions which exceed reality, it may be of fervice to have a thorough inquiry into the truth made by an able hand, from whence enemies as well as friends may be convinced, that our real fituation will not justify the hopes of the one or the fears of the other: and there is a farther reafon to be urged, founded on the medical aphorifm, which fays, that the true knowledge of a difeafe is half the cure of it.

In this light the ingenious author of the State of the Nation confiders his undertaking. I have not, fays he, made this difplay of the nation's difficulties to expofe her councils to the ridicule of other ftates, or provoke a vanquished enemy to infult her: nor have I done it to excite the people's rage against their governors, or fink them into defpondency of the public welfare. But I thought fuch a view of the condition of Great-Britain, might be a means of calling up the public attention to the national affairs, and engaging every friend to his king and country, to exert his beft abilities in forming and fupporting fuch a fyftem of meatures as might, in their iffue, place Great-Britain in a fituation of

Safety

Safety and dignity. Her cafe is, thank God, far from defperate, nor are her circumstances irretrievable. I truft it is in the power of the king and parliament to concert measures, and to find men capable of carrying them into execution with wifdom and perfeverance, that, perhaps, in the courfe of the prefent parliament, will render the nation, both happy at home and refpected abroad, formidable in war, and flourishing in peace.'

He begins with fhewing what a happy train of fuccefs attended our operations to ward the clofe of the laft war; and proceeds- This, then, furely was the time for Great-Britain to pursue her conquefts, and, by continuing the war two or three more campaigns, crush the power of the houfe of Bourbon for ever.

Happily for England she had a prince on the throne who preferred the future welfare of his own people to the glory of making conquests upon his enemies; and was willing to forego the honours of new triumphs, to fecure to them the bleffings of peace. Happily, too, he was then advised by ministers, who did not suffer themselves to be dazzled by the glare of brilliant appearances, but, knowing them to be fallacious, they wifely refolved to profit of their fplendour before our enemies fhould also difcover the impofition. It was confidered, that the most fuccefsful enterprize could not compenfate to the nation for the waste of its people, by carrying on a war in unhealthy climates, and the perpetual burdens laid upon its manufactures for payment of the exceffive rate of interest at which money was to be borrowed. The increafe in the exports was found to have been occafioned chiefly by the demands of our own fleets and armies, and, instead, of bringing wealth to the nation, were to be paid for by oppreffive taxes upon the people of England. While the British feamen were confuming, on board our men of war and privateers, foreign fhips and foreign feamen were employed in the transportation of our merchandize, and the carrying trade, so great a fource of wealth and marine, was entirely engroffed by the neutral nations. The number of British thips annually arriving in our ports was reduced 1756 fail, containing 92,559 tons, on a medium of the fix years of war, compared with the fix years of peace preceding it; and the number of foreign fhips had increafed 863 fail, containing 85,678 tons. The fhips remaining to Great-Britain were, in great part, manned by foreign feamen, who, when peace came, would return to their own, or other countries, and carry with them the profits of our trade, and our skill in navigating our fhips. The conquest of the Havannah had, indeed, ftopped the remittance of fpecie from Mexico to Spain, but it had not enabled England to feize it: on the contrary, our merchants fuffered by the detention of the galleons, as their correfpondents in Spain were disabled from paying them for their goods fent to America. The lofs of the trade to Old Spain was a further bar to an influx of Specie; and the attempt upon Portugal, had not only deprived us of an import of bullion from hence, but the payment of our troops employed in its defence was a fresh drain opened for the diminution of our circulating fpecie. While foreigners lent us back the money we spent among them, it was true, we should feel no want of money, nor fhould we deprived of our national coin. Neither does the fpendthrift, who mortgages every year, feel the want of money, fo long as his eftate lalts, or his creditors forbear to call upon him; but equally fatal would

the

the day of account have been to Great-Britain as to him, had the been deluded into a belief of the reality of fuch falfe wealth. The high premiums given for new loans, had funk the price of the old stock near a third of its original value, fo that the purchasers had an obligation from the ftate to repay them with an addition of 33 per cent. to their capital. every new loan required new taxes to be impofed; new taxes must add to the price of our manufactures, and leffen their confumption among foreigners. The decay of our trade muft neceffarily occasion a decrease of the public revenue, and a deficiency of our funds must either be made up by fresh taxes, which would only add to the calamity, or our national credit must be destroyed, by fhewing the public creditors the inability of the nation to repay them their principal money.

With money obtained upon fuch conditions, and attended with fuch confequences, men were to be procured; but as the idle and licentious had long been gleaned from the country, the laborious and induftrious must now fupply our levies: bounties had already been given for recruits, which exceeded the year's wages of the plowman and reaper, and as these were exhaufted, and husbandry stood ftill for want of hands, the manufacturers were next to be tempted to quit the anvil and the loom by higher offers, armies fupplied by husbandmen and manufacturers, make expenfive conquefts. The want of their labour leffens the wealth of the nation, and the high wages paid them increases her burdens; and it is the highest aggravation of the evil, to employ them in elimates destructive of the human fpecies, and in countries from whose bourn few travellers return.

France, bankrupt France, had no fuch calamities impending over her; her diftreffes were great, but they were immediate and temporary; her want of credit preferved her from a great increase of debt, and the lofs of her ultra-marine dominions leffened her prefent expences.

• Her colonies had, indeed, put themselves into the hands of the English; but the property of her fubjects had been preferved by capitulations, and a way opened for making her those remittances, which the war had before fufpended, with as much fecurity as in time of peace. The navigation of France had been ruined; but her fituation on the continent fecured to her access to many markets for the fale of her manufactures, and by her league with Spain she had obtained the exclufive fupply of that monarchy. Her armies in Germany had been hitherto prevented from feizing upon Hanover; but they continued to encamp on the fame ground on which the first battle was fought, and, as it must ever happen from the policy of that government, the laft troops fhe fent into the field were always found to be the best, and her frequent loffes only ferved to fill her regiments with better foldiers. The conqueft of Hanover be. came, therefore, every campaign more probable, especially as the army of prince Ferdinand was greatly diminished, from the difficulty of procuring recruits. By having neither marine to fupport, nor colonies to protect, France was at liberty to exert her whole force upon the continent, and there only did the carry on an offenfive war. Her revenues, however impaired, were fill equal to the supply of a much greater army than any fhe had yet fent into Germany, and as fhe had no other effort to make, it might be expected her affairs, in that quarter, would, in future, be better conducted. The glory of the prince was a refource that fill remained for engaging the French fubjects to ferve without pay, and

the