countries, does create a right, how violent and unjust soever the first occupancy be, according to the law of nations, which formallyapproves thereof, even betwixt prince and prince; and fundamentally, according to the law of nature, which disposeth us to mutual peace, and amicable society, and to the means conducing thereto, in the number whereof are prescription, occupancy, and custom; How then can he say, that violence can never create a right? How do they hold their freedom, but by violence? Are these the principles of the peace-loving Hollanders? Do not these suggestions tend to the involving of all the world in blood?

As to the meeting of the yatcht with the fleet under Van Ghent in the North Sea, and their not striking sail or flag: The Considerer yields it to be a ship of war, by reason of its equipage, commission, and standard; and so it was, according to the precedents of our law, which stiles barges and ballingers, if armed for war, to be ships of war; but neither he, nor any man else can say, that the refusal to lower the top-sail, and strike the flag, was not a breach of the treaty at Breda. It is alledged, that, This hap6 pened in the North Sea, which is not the British sea, being distinguished therefrom, in all sea-plats, yea, in the English map, and, which in this case is an invincible argument, by reason that, ' in the seventh article of the treaty at Breda, the same are dis( tinctly mentioned one from the other; where it is expresly said, 'that all ships and merchandises, which within twelve days after 'the peace are taken in the British Sea, and the North Sea, shall 'continue in propriety to the seizer. Out of which it plainly ap'pears, that even, according to the king of England's sense, the 'North Sea differs in reality from the British Sea.' These reasons are so far from being invincible, that they are null and altogether invalid. For the argument from popular maps, and vulgar seaplats, imports nothing at all: Those being made for common instruction in such cases, as they are usually made for; but not to decide cases at law. There are several counties in England, which are not specified in the maps, which yet the laws do exempt from those in which the maps do include them. The distinction in the article at Breda, betwixt the British and North Sea, is popular, and mentioned, only to prevent future quarrels, about prizes taken, not to decide the king's rights unto that sea, as one of the four seas; and, that taking place, it is not an invincible argument, but an affected ignorance in this Hollander to urge it here. In the treaty at Torstrop, betwixt the Dane and Swede, I read that Schonen and Wien were distinctly named, and consented unto by the Dane, to be transferred unto the Swede; and in a subsequent agrecment at Roskild, the Swede hath only Schonen transferred by name; hereupon he claims also Wien; the Danes deny the rendi. tion, and evade it as the Dutch do now; The king of Sweden rejoins thus, and any man may accommodate the passage to

our case:

6 Though the Danes do grant there hath ever been a joint alienation of the said isle with Schonen; nevertheless, they would fain ૨૧

YOL. VII.

wave this by an odd exception, pretending that Wien could not 'really be alienated, as a member of Schonen, because, in the treaty, Wien is expresly named, as well as Schonen, which, they alledge, need not have been, had it been inclusive in Schoen.But this poor plea is of little importance, if it be observed, that in the Charter of Alienation, where Wien is separately named with Schonen, there also Lister is separately named with the pro'vince of Blekingen, which, however, the Danes do unanimously acknowledge to be a part of Blekingen; it being distinctly na 6 med, rather for prevention of further disputes, than out of necessity: Nam clausula abundans non nocet, ut nec ejus ab. 'sentia obest."

I shall conclude, with two brief observations upon the remaining part of this paragraph, not yet replied unto.

1. The Considerer saith, That the striking of the flag is but a civility to his majesty's ships, and consequently not to be enforced, but must proceed from a free willingness, and an unconstrained mind, in those that shew such respect. They, that will not learn manners, must be taught them; yet it is a difficult task to teach the boors of Holland. But where did he learn, that the striking of the flag in the British seas was merely an act of respect? Or, how can he say, that the Dutch, or others, might not be constrained to strike, considering the instructions of our admiral, and the usage of England? Whosoever refuseth to strike, is to be prosecuted as a rebel, not as an uncivil person. And I find, that the crown of France, where it pretends to any sovereignty of the sca, doth enforce the striking of the sail and flag in an uncivil manner, since those that refuse to do it are to be attacked with cannon-shot, and, if taken, their ships confiscated. The same is done by the State of Venice, and universally. The world is coming to a fine pass, when these butter-boxes presume to teach all Europe civility.

2. The Considerer saith, That since the yatcht did not meet with any single ships, or vessels of the states, but run in amongst a fleet riding at anchor: It cannot be maintained with any fundamental reasons, that the Lord Van Ghent, by vertue of the said article, was obliged to strike.-I answer, That the article doth make it fundamental to the peace; and the admiral's instructions, and the usage of England do expound the same sufficiently, to the preju dice of Van Ghent. Is this the sincerity, the bona fides, with which they observe the treaty? Our laws and customs of the Admiralty know no distinction betwixt a ship or fleet found riding at anchor, or met under sail: Nor do they distinguish betwixt a casual meeting, and a voluntary seeking of foreign ships, or fleets; nor whether our ships be at anchor, and the foreigner under sail, or both be navigating: And it is the duty of our men of war, in case they discover, or hear of any foreign ships or fleets upon our seas, to make up to them, and to see whether they come in a peaceable, or hostile manner, by demanding them to strike their sails and flags. I need not add any thing to this point, every one may sufficiently comprehend the case, but these Hollanders, that will not understand it.

The conclusion of this paragraph doth manifest the integrity of his majesty, in the penning of his declaration; seeing that the Considerer acknowledgeth, That the States-General did offer to strike the flag and sail unto his ships of the navy royal, upon condition he would assist them in this juncture (for that they mean by his observing the Triple Alliance) and provided no construction be made to prejudice them in the free use of the seas, viz. in reference to fishing, as well as sailing. It is hence evident, that his majesty did not represent the arrogance of the Dutch in so heinous a manner, as he might have done, without injuring them. The Considerer hath done it; and I refer it to the consideration of all Englishmen.

Thus I have exactly replied unto all that the Considerer hath alledged against the declaration of his majesty, and what else he hath written in reference to the present quarrel; and I think I have made it evident to the meanest capacity, that the present war is authorised by all those circumstances which make it just, and honourable, and necessary.

I intend in a second part to address myself to my fellow-subjects, as the Considerer doth to his, and excite them to do no less to avert injuries, and defend their honour, and the rights of his majesty, than he exhorteth the Dutch, to do, contrary to all right, to our detriment and dishonour. I will therein shew those that were concerned for the war against the Dutch, under the pretended commonwealth, that the quarrel is fundamentally the same now, that it was then, and that they cannot have any tenderness for the Hollanders, at this time, who did so heinously complain of their oppressions and usurpations then. The Hollanders are the selfsame people still; as much Hollanders in Europe, as they are at Japan, or ever were at Amboyna. I know not why we should not demonstrate ourselves all to be as true Englishmen; and to convince such persons, I will print the speech of Mr. St. John, their ambassador to the States, at the Hague, during the pretended commonwealth.

A LETTER

WRITTEN BY AN UNKNOWN HAND,

Whereof many Copies were dispersed among the Commanders of the English Fleet.

This Letter was printed in the Year 1673, 4to.

But it may be

thought as proper to be sent into the Mediterranean in the

DEAR COUSIN,

Gou Ꮐ

Year 1744.

OING yesterday to your father's house, partly to see him, but chiefly to learn when he heard from you, and what news was lately from the fleet, he told me, you were in health, the fleet

near ready to sail, and then shewed me a letter, he was just ready to send you, wherein (among other things) I found these words:

Have a care of yourself, be not fool-hardy, by venturing too far into the fight; there are ships enough to beat the Dutch, without yours; and captains enough in the fleet, who will prudently shew you the way to keep farthest off, when danger is nighest; and then you need not fear the aspersion of a coward, as long as you have good company: Therefore I say again, be wisely cautious, for your death would certainly break the heart of my daughter, and bring my grey hairs with sorrow to the grave.

I had scarce patience to read out so much, without tearing the letter, in a thousand pieces, and I could not forbear such language, as did but ill agree with the friendship between us. If you are (said I) so mighty fond of your son, send for him home presently, and let him run no other danger, than what he may meet in a London tavern, or bawdy-house; when he has a mind to fight, let bowls be his bullets, and broad oaths and curses his gunpowder; at other times, let him have nothing else to do, but treat his wife, or, as the fashion is, his wench, at the Play-house, Hydepark, or Spring-Garden. As soon as I had vented my passion, and grew calm, I so far convinced your father of his fault, that himself burnt his letter; and desired me to write one, more suitable to my own inclination.

According to that little notice I have taken of sea-matters, I think our captains in general (and you among the rest) rather need a spur than a curb, when you are going to fight; and therefore, quite contrary to the former advice, I will set before your eyes the justice, and the danger, that attends a cowardly commander.

1. He robs the kiug and kingdom, not only of the money himself receives, but likewise of so much as the whole charge of the ship, with provisions and wages, amounts to, by rendering the same of no use, just when it should do the king service; he murders all those gallant men, which are slain by the enemy, and loses those ships, which fall into their hands, for want of being well seconded; he betrays his own party, to the enemy, by keeping back the expected assistance; and the weakening of us, and the helping of them, is all one; nay, as if he had received a bribe, to do mischief, he fires both over, and into the ships of his friends; so helping both ways, to bring them to ruin, he compleats in himself the character of a traytor. By these means it is, our battles are lost, or at best so balanced, when they might have been won, that after a fight, the enemy, sooner than we, are in a condition of disputing the victory. No common high-way robber is half so great a rogue, as that officer, who takes wages, and dares not, or does not fight bravely, when there is an occasion.

2. As he largely contributes to the loss of the battle, so he hazards doubly his own loss: For it is observable (I am sure in land fights) that where one is killed standing stifly his ground, five are destroyed in the running away; and I am told, in your sea-fights

too, you lose most men, when you fight at greatest distance from the enemy. But then, besides the danger of the enemy, the coward has more reason to be afraid of his friends, they being likely to hate him the most, who before had the best esteem of him; and a gallows may easily catch him at home, whom a bullet abroad could not reach. So that to him may be well applied our Saviour's saying, He that will save his life, shall lose it.'

3. His fear impeaches the Divine Providence, which chiefly glories to exercise itself in times and places of most eminent hazard. I know some valiant men, who have come off unwounded from the heat of at least twenty battles; God oftentimes makes those places safest, where we apprehend the most danger, and those most dangerous we think most secure. Thus, my dear Cousin! You see, a coward, with a commission, is neither a good subject, a good christian, nor a good or wise man, in any sense; but must be, of necessity, a traytor to the king, a thief to his country, a murderer of his own party, and consequently detested of God and man.Consult therefore your own heart, and if fear dwell at bottom, do not cozen any longer the king's expectation; lest, by staying another battle, you let all the world be witness of that shame, which yet may be easily hid. You may find fair excuses, enough to lay down your commission, and the prince can find men enough to take it up, who better deserve it. But if you will stay and fight, resolve to fight bravely, so as you may do service to the king, and gain yourself lasting reputation.

If there have happened any disgust, between you, and any other commander in the fleet, either for wrongs really received, or supposed, or because he being a man of less desert, is preferred, and advanced before you: : Consider that a fraction of the parts tends fairly to the ruin of the whole; and that your safety, and success, does chiefly depend on your unity, and a right understanding. If therefore you would be thought faithful to the king, if you would not be found false to your country, let all private quarrels die; or at least go to sleep, till the publick ones are decided.

In the mean time, assist one another, by all manner of kind offices, as often as it lies in your power; let the enemy only feel the effects of your indignation, and make it appear, by the greatness of your actions, that you are the man of most merit.

Where duty bids go, never stay, for the example of any others; but rather strive, all you can, to make yourself their example.In a good cause, God prospers best the bold adventurer; let gallant resolution lead the van, and glorious victory shall bring up

the rear.

Sheerness, July 16, 1673.