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standing, where it is thought above one-hundred-thousand people did perish.

When the plague had the year before swept away above one. hundred-thousand people, and was still raging.

When the kingdom was exhausted of money, and trade lost. When we had wars with France, Denmark, and Holland, and not without fear of divisions among ourselves.

Then, even then, came this dreadful fire, after the aggregation of so many judgments before, (like Job's comforter, after his unwelcome messengers) but then, even then, did our seeming utter destruction appear; but, by our heavenly Father's paternal corrections, and by his mercy, we are secured from our fears by peace and quietness, both at home and abroad, and restored to the hopes of a flourishing nation, and the most glorious city of the world.

Crescit sub pondere virtus.

EXPERIMENTED PROPOSALS*

How the King may have money to pay and maintain his Fleets, with ease to his people; London may be rebuilt, and all proprietors satisfied; Money to be lent at Six per Cent. on Pawns; and the Fishing-Trade set up, which alone is able and sure to inrich us all. And all this without altering, straining, or thwarting any of our Laws or Customs now in use.

By Sir EDWARD FORDE.

Licensed, Nov. 2, 1666. Roger L'Estrange.

London: Printed by William Godbid, 1666. Quarto, containing one sheet.

1.

ΤΗ

HE end of our money is to adjust contracts and accounts between ourselves; for it is not coined to be melted or

transported.

2. These, and all tokens of account, are valued according to their portableness, which prefers gold before silver, jewels before gold, bills and bonds before all.

3. These bills, bonds, book accounts, and even verbal promises, we transfer from one to the other, which our law approves of and corroborates.

4. Satisfying security, therefore, clearly supplies and contents us as well as money, for who would not rather have a straw, or a piece of paper, than an hundred pounds, if he were sure it would at all times yield him as much as he took it for? Our practice evinceth this, for we purchase bills of exchange at two or more per cent. The money-master parts with his coin for a sheet of

This is the 164th number in the catalogue of pamphlets in the Harleian Library.

paper or parchment. Nay, it gets our money into our enemies, esteemed, but, in truth, failable money banks, though they give but three per cent. use, and we six, nay, Ireland ten and more per cent. For it is satisfactory security, not great use, that at tracts money.

5. Land security is evidently, of all, the surest and most satisfying, where the title is clear, and no danger of counterfeits or foreign conquest.

6. No money can be surer than taxes by act of parliament, though ten or more years day of payment were allowed the peo. ple, which this way may be done; and yet the king, by making current bills thereon, may have it all presently, without any deductions. And, by the people's yearly and easy payments, these bills may be certainly paid and taken in.

7. By such-like distinct bills, London may be rebuilt, and all proprietors satisfied for enlarging the streets, the fines and rents of all so built being engaged to satisfy and take in all these bills.

8. The like may be done for banks of loan upon pawns, truly called Mounts of Piety, where, the stock thus coming gratis, the poor (who now pay above forty, fifty, nay sixty per cent. use, to their ruin, and casting them and theirs on their parishes charge) may have money at six per cent. The clothiers on their cloth the like, till the merchant or draper can take it off, and the clothier, mean time, have money to go on with his trade, and keep his workmen still employed. The landed man, at four per cent use, whereby he may improve his land, or lend his money to such as can well pay him six per cent. and gain enough. Half this use will soon pay and take in these bills, the other half will defray all charges, and augment this Mount to a vast advantage of all.

9. By the like way, the Herring Trade may be established, to the breeding up and maintaining plenty of mariners, enough for the king, merchant, and fishery; and employ our poor from their childhood, and the profit hereof will soon pay and take in these bills also; for John Keymor's books clearly shew, how the Dutch, and foreigners, by our fish, make more money in one year, than the king of Spain doth in four years of his Indies; and how these Dutch hereby will certainly eat us out of all trade, and be clear masters of the sea, to the terror of all kings and states.

10. Credit thus raised is honest, because all bills are sure to be paid. It prejudiceth no man, because he hath as much use of this bill money, as if he had the silver; and it compasseth all these particulars, to the good of us all. Nor is the way hazardous or untrodden, but such as hath been long, and is still used by our neighbours, to the advancing their little country (not so big nor fruitful as one English county) from poor distressed states, to be Hogans Mogans, and all by a real cheat; for no considerate man can believe that they have so much money in their banks, as they give out bills for. What then do they get? But lose the use they pay, and their charge in guarding and keeping

accounts.

11. These lessen not, but increase both bullion and coin, where they are used; for what monarch can spare such sums as little Genoa lends to the king of Spain, that great master and merchant of gold and silver? And what people generally fuller of money, and freer from beggars than the Dutch, by these proposed courses?

If all, or any of these, be thought worthy debating, the proposer is confident he can answer all objections, and shew the way how there shall not be any danger of cheat or abuse in any part thereof.

THE HUMBLE PETITION AND ADDRESS OF

EDWARD, EARL OF CLARENDON. M S.

To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled.

I

May it please your Lordships,

CANNOT express the insupportable trouble and grief of mind I sustain, under the apprehension of being misrepresented unto your lordships; and when I hear how much of your lordships time hath been spent in the mention of me, and is attended with more publick consequence; and of the difference of opinion, which is already, or may probably arise, betwixt your lordships and the honourable house of commons, whereby the great and weighty affairs of the kingdom may be obstructed, in a time of so general dissatisfaction: I am very unfortunate to find myself suffer so much, under two very disadvantageous reflexions, which are in no degree applicable to me.

The first, from the greatness of my estate and fortune, collected and made in so few years; which, if it be proportionable to what it is reported, may very reasonably cause my integrity to be suspected. The second, that I have been the sole manager, and chief minister, in all the transactions of state, since the king's return into England, to August last; and, therefore, that all miscarriages and misfortunes ought to be imputed to me, and to my counsels. Concerning my estate, your lordships will believe, that, after malice and envy have been so inquisitive and so sharp-sighted, I will not offer any thing to your lordships, but what is really true; and I do assure your lordships, in the first place, that, excepting from the king's bounty, I have never received, nor taken one penny, but what was generally understood to be the just and law. ful perquisite of my office, by the constant practice of the best times; which I did, in my own judgment, conceive to be that of my Lords Coventry and Elsmore; the practice of which I con. stantly observed, although the office, in both their times, was lawfully worth double to what it was to me; and, I believe, now is:

That all the courtesies and favours, which I have been able to oba tain from the king for other persons, in church, state, or West. minster-hall, have never been worth, to me, five pounds; so that your lordships may be confident, I am as innocent from corrup tion, as from any disloyal thought; which, after thirty years service of the crown, in some difficulties and distress, I did never suspect would have been objected to me, in my age. And I do assure your lordships, and shall make it manifest, that the several sums of money and some parcels of land, which his majesty hath bountifully bestowed upon me, since his last return into England, are worth more, than all I have amounts unto. So far I am from advancing my estate by indirect means; and, though this bounty of his majesty hath very far exceeded my merit, or my expecta tions, yet some others have been as fortunate, at least, in the same bounty, who have had as small pretence to it, and have no great reason to envy my condition.

Concerning the other imputation, of the credit and power of being chief minister, and causing all to be done, that I had any mind to, I have no more to say, than that I had the good fortune to serve a master of very great judgment and understanding, and to be always joined with persons of great abilities and experience, without whose advice and concurrence never any thing hath been done. Before his majesty's coming over, he was constantly attended by the Marquis of Ormond, the late Lord Culpepper, and Mr. Secretary Nicholas, who were equally trusted with myself, and without whose joint advice and concurrence, when they were all present (as some of them always were) I never gave any counsel. As soon as it pleased God to restore his majesty into England, he established his privy-council, and shortly, out of them, a number of honourable persons of great reputation, who for the most part are alive still, as a committee for foreign affairs, and consideration of such things, as the number of them required much time and deliberation, and with those persous he vouchsafed to join me; and, I am confident, the committee never transacted any thing of moment (his majesty being always present) without presenting the same first to the council-board; and I must appeal to them concerning my carriage, and whether we were not all of one mind, in matters of importance. For more than two years, I never knew any difference in the council, or that there were any complaints in the kingdom; which I wholly impute to his majesty's great wisdom, and the intire concurrence of his counsellors, without the vanity of assuming any thing to myself; and, therefore, I hope, I shall not be singly charged with any thing, that has since fallen out amiss: But, from the time that Mr. Secretary Nicholas was removed from his place, there were great alterations; and whosoever knows any thing of the court, or councils, knows well how much my credit hath since that time been diminished, although his majesty still vouchsafed graciously to hear my advice, in most of his affairs. Nor hath there been, from that time to this, above one or two persons brought to the council, or prefer

red to any considerable office in the court, who have been of any intimate acquaintance, or suspected to have any kindness for me; and most of them most notoriously known to have been very long my enemics, and of different judgments and principles from me, both in church and state; and who have taken all opportunities to lessen my credit with the king, and all other persons, by misrepresenting and misinterpreting all that I said, or did, and persuading men, that I had done them some prejudice with his majesty, or crossed them in some of their pretensions, though his majesty's goodness and justice were such, that it made little impression upon him.

In my humble opinion, the great misfortunes of the kingdom have proceeded from the war, to which, it was most notoriously known, that I was always most averse. And I may, without vanity, say, I did not only foresee, but did declare the mischief, we should run into, by entering into a war before any alliances with neighbouring princes; and, that it may not be imputed to his majesty's want of care, or the negligence of his counsellors, that no such alliances were entered into, I must say, that his majesty left nothing unattempted, in order thereunto; and knowing very well, that France resolved to begin war upon Spain, as soon as his catholick majesty should depart the world; which being much sooner expected by them, they had, in two winters, been at great charge in providing plentiful magazines of all provisions upon the frontiers, that they might be ready for the war. His majesty used all means possible to prepare and dispose the Spaniards with that apprehension, offering his friendship to that degree, as might be for the security and benefit of both crowns. But Spain, flattering itself, that France would not break with them, at least, that they would not give them any cause, by administering matter of jealousy, never made any real approach to make friendship with his majesty, but, both by their ambassadors here, and his majesty's ambassador at Madrid, always insisted, as preliminaries, upon the giving up of Dunguirgue, Tangier, and Jamaica.

Though France had an ambassador here, to whom a project for a treaty was offered, and the Lord Hollis, his majesty's ambassador at Paris, had used all endeavours to persue and prosecute the said treaty; yet it was quickly discerned, the principal design of France was to draw his majesty into such a new alliance, as might advance their design, without which, they had no mind to enter into the treaty proposed; and this was the state of affairs, when the war was entered into with the Dutch; from which time, neither crown continued the making an alliance with England. As I did, from my soul, abhor the entering into this war, so I never presumed to give any advice or counsel for the way of managing of it, but by opposing many propositions, which seemed, by the late Lord Treasurer and myself, to be unreasonable, as the payment of seamen with tickets, which added to the expence.

My enemies took all occasions to inveigh against me, and (mak, ing of friendship with others out of the council of more licentious

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