country is stronger than ever before. The convictions of the anti-slavery men of the country, as to the dangerous nature of the institution, have lost nothing of their strength, while many thousands who, before the war were either indifferent or positively favorable to slavery, are now among its most determined opponents. Is it wise, then for us, at a time when this cause of our troubles has nearly passed away, so to shape our action as to preserve a remnant that may take root and spread, until it has brought upon those who come after us, the terrible evils we are now enduring? Had we not better remove this cause of strife, and that being done, may we not reasonably hope that, when the natural bitterness growing out of our present strife shall have passed away, the kindly and fraternal feelings which, but for this cause, would have always existed, may be again restored?

But we should not permit the discussion of these, or similar questions, to divert us from the paramount purpose of prosecuting the war earnestly and vigorously, until all men in rebellion against the Government shall, either voluntarily or by compulsion, lay down their arms. In this consists our only safety, and I feel well assured that you will, so far as depends on you, see to it that Iowa, in the future as in the past, will do her full share of this good work, promptly and well.

The position occupied by our State, in this war for the preservation of the Union, is a proud and enviable one. From the first outbreak of the rebellion until the present time, Iowa has neither faltered nor wavered in the discharge of her duty. In both branches of the National Council she

has presented an unbroken front to treason and rebellion, and has given a steady and undivided support to the General Government. Her State Government, in all its branches, has given evidence of her unflinching and unconditional loyalty and devotion to the good cause. Her people have, at all times and promptly, filled all requisitions made upon them for troops to fill the ranks of the Union armies; and the men she has sent to the field have been, at least second to none in all soldierly qualities.

To these men yet another word is due from me. When this war began, ours was a new State, without a history. To day, her name stands on one of the brighest pages of our country's record-graven there by the bayonets of our brave soldiers, and that page is all over glowing with the proofs of their heroism and devotion. We have sent to the field no Regiment of which we do not feel justly proud, and the bare mention of the names of many of them stirs the blood and warms the heart of every Iowan.

It may perhaps be permitted me to say that I trust that when the history of the gallantry and devotion of these men shall be written, the position I have held will of necessity connect my name humbly, and not discreditably, with theirs, and that this trust affords compensation for somewhat of toil and care which have attended that position, and should be sufficient to satisfy an ambition greater than mine. SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD.

VETO MESSAGES

TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

MARCH 6, 1860

From the Journal of the House of Representatives, p. 879

EXECUTIVE OFFICE, Iowa, March 6, 1860.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

I return to your house in which it originated, without my approval, a bill entitled "An act to amend section two of chapter one hundred and fifty-five, of the acts passed at the regular session of the seventh General Assembly, approved March 23d, A. D. 1858."

The bill postpones the next session of the Board of Education, until the first Monday of December, A. D. 1865, and in so doing, in my judgment, conflicts with the spirit, if not with the letter of the Constitution.

Under section 4, article 9 of the Constitution, the General Assembly certainly "may fix the time and place of meeting" of the board, but as certainly must exercise that power in a constitutional way. The instrument must be so construed, as, if possible, to give effect to all its parts, and no sound rule of construction will permit an exercise of power under one part of the instrument which will render another part inoperative and void, if by a different and reasonable construction, that result can be avoided.

It is provided in section 3 of the same article, as follows: "After the first election under the Constitution, the board shall be divided, as nearly as practicable, into two equal classes, and the seats of the first class shall be vacated after the expiration of two years, and one half of the board shall be chosen every two years thereafter.”

year,

Under this section, the people must, at the election in this elect members of the board to fill the seats of the first class vacated under its provisions, and the persons so elected will hold their offices for the term of four years, and yet, if the bill under consideration becomes a law, they will be deprived during their whole term of service of performing the duties which they were chosen by the people to perform. I cannot believe this to be the true intent and meaning of the Constitution.

Section 1 of the same article, provides as follows: "The educational interest of the State, including common schools and other educational institutions, shall be under the management of a Board of Education, &c." The power of the General Assembly over the matters thus entrusted to a Board of Education, is the power to "alter, amend and repeal" what has been done by the board, and the extent to which that power can be exercised by the General Assembly is doubtful and uncertain. It seems to me that in the present condition of our common school system, it is too hazardous to the most important interest of the State, so to legislate, as to render very probable, great confusion and difficulty in its management, either by reason of the want of legisla lation on the part of the Board of Education which clearly can legislate on this subject, or by reason of doubts of the

power of the General Assembly to do that which necessity may require to be done.

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD.

TO THE SENATE

MARCH 30, 1860

From the Journal of the Senate, p. 677

EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, March 30th, 1860.

Gentlemen of the Senate:

I herewith return to your House, in which it originated, without my approval, "an act to amend an act entitled an act authorizing General Banking in the State of Iowa," passed by the Seventh General Assembly.

Should the proposed act become a law, it would change the existing law in three particulars: First, By permitting banks to be organized thereunder, with a paid up capital of twenty-five thousand dollars, instead of fifty thousand dollars, as now provided. Second, By abolishing the office of Bank Commissioner, as provided by the original law, and dispensing with the supervision and control, by these Commissioners of the banks that might be established: And third, By permitting the establishment of banks in towns, with a population of two hundred and fifty inhabitants, instead of five hundred, as provided by the original law.

It seems very clear to me, that the second and third of these changes, would be very injurious to the interest of our people, by bringing into disrepute our entire banking system, and inflicting upon us a practically irredeemable paper

currency.