labor in reclaiming all these territories and transforming them into the culture, the arts and the adornments of civilization.

But, it is said from high authority, as a palliative for the exercise of this right under the Constitution to take and hold slaves upon the free territories of this country, that "when the residents of such Territories proceed to form a State Constitution, then it is their right to decide the important question for themselves, whether they will continue, modify or abolish slavery."

But, how a right recognized and guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States, can be thus summarily disposed of, is not readily perceived. It must be founded upon the idea either that the Constitution is not the paramount law of the land, or that it contains a limitation upon this right. It is believed that neither of these postulates can be maintained; and it follows that if this right exists at all, it is an absolute, continuing right, as the other franchises of that venerable instrument are, which no State power can divest, either after it has been exercised, as in Kansas, or in anticipation of its exercise, as Iowa has attempted to do, in prohibiting it in her Constitution. If this construction be the true one, then, as a logical consequence, and as has already been claimed in some quarters, slavery exists theoretically in all the free States of this Union, and the right need only be asserted to make it so practically.

By thus interpreting the Constitution of the United States, so as to make it sanction the legal right to own and hold slaves wherever the flag of the Union goes, the people of the free North are made an involuntary party to all the

evils, political and moral, which attach themselves to this institution, and must share with the South whatever responsibility there may be connected with it as a subsisting national establishment. They protest against being impli To their moral sense, slavery is

cated in so great a wrong. odious and forbidding.

They had been accustomed to view it as a State institution, over which neither they nor the General Government had any control.

But if this new political faith on a subject so exciting is now to obtain, it must be regarded as the foreshadowing of evil days to the commonwealth. Under it, the enfranchisement of free labor is everywhere in peril. Iowa, the offspring of those liberal sentiments that prevailed in the better days of the Republic, when it was deemed no infringement either on the Constitution or the rights of the South, to consecrate her soil to freedom, has been no idle spectator of these aggressive movements against the rights of the North. In the late election, she recorded her protest against that perversion of the Constitution, which is breaking down one of the fortresses of liberty in this country. She has been taught to believe that that sacred instrument was intended as the "bond of deliverance from all wrongs and freedom to all ranks."

And whilst it is no part of her purpose to cherish animosities towards any one section of our common country, but would rather counsel peaceful relations and good neighborship, she intends to resist all inroads upon the faith and doctrines of the framers of the Constitution, as well as all encroachments upon the principles of political equality. And if it is permitted her to have limbs, free to toil, hearts,

free to beat, and minds to think, she will continue to give evidence of her loyalty to the national Union, the perpetuity of which is the herald and pledge of "the hope that comes to all."

DES MOINES, JANUARY 13, 1858.

RALPH P. Lowe.

BIENNIAL MESSAGE

JANUARY 9, 1860

From the Journal of the House of Representatives, p. 14

Fellow Citizens of the Senate, and House of Representa

tives:

Representing the Executive Chair, it becomes my duty, under the constitution, to communicate to the General Assembly, the condition of the affairs of the State, as administered in its several departments, and to recommend such measures, as to me shall seem expedient for your action.

The period that has elapsed since your last biennial session, has been one of great disturbing causes and anxious solicitude to all classes of our citizens.

The first year of this period was visited with heavy and continuous rains, which reduced the measure of our field crops below one half the usual products, whilst the financial revulsion which commenced upon the Atlantic, in the fall of 1857, did not reach its climax for evil in our borders, until the year just past.

You need not be informed of the disastrous effects produced by these two causes, upon the hopes and condition of our people. Overtaken suddenly and unexpectedly in this misfortune, with heavy individual liabilities, with no facilities for obtaining money, their property reduced to a nominal value, and no demand for it at any price, thousands there are who feel that their homes and their fortunes are in

great peril; and that this is so, would be worse than idle to disguise. In this aspect of affairs, you may reasonably expect that strong appeals will be made to you for remedial legislation; and I doubt not that their expostulations will receive your very considerate attention, and prompt you to put forth, in your sovereign capacity, such powers as you possess, to secure to them indemnity against unreasonable and unjust sacrifices, yet in a manner that shall guard and protect the rights of all parties interested.

I would not, however, suppress the important fact that the condition and affairs of our people are taking a favorable turn, since the commencement of the late monetary crisis; a large amount of individual indebtedness has been liquidated—a rigid system of retrenchment has been observed in the social and domestic relations and expenditures of our people-but few new liabilities have been created-no malignant epidemic has prevailed-the industry of the people, the last year, has been very well rewarded, with a fair harvest-emigration is again flowing in-the social condition of our people is improving, and we have abundant reason for devout and grateful acknowledgments to Him, whose goodness knows no bounds, that we are once more being placed in a condition of advancement and prosperity.

CENSUS OF 1859.

You will have before you a neat print of the census of the past year, taken in the mode prescribed by the act that authorized the same, at an expense only of about $618.71. It fixes the population of the State at 642,532, being 123,168 more than the population when the census was taken in