XII. "when the disease was not ripe for the remedy, CHAP. "nor the remedy proportioned to the disease."* It is scarcely correct to say that Clarendon was infected with religious intolerance, though he may perhaps have co-operated with those who were so. Such a term is applicable only to the object of his intolerance, and not to its source. Religious differences were made the tests by which political differences might be detected; and a sect suffered at his hands only because it was identified with a party. But it is difficult to believe that any feeling which could be strictly denominated religious intolerance could reside in the breast of one who had publicly uttered the following words:-" It is a consideration which must make every religious "heart to bleed, to see religion, which should be "the strongest obligation and cement of affection: "and brotherly kindness and compassion, made "now, by the perverse wrangling of passionate "and froward men, the ground of all animosity, "hatred, malice, and revenge. And this unruly "and unmanly passion (which, no question, the di"vine nature exceedingly abhors) sometimes, and, "I fear, too frequently, transports those who are in "the right, as well as those who are in the wrong, "and leaves the latter more excusable than the "former, when men, who find their manners and dispositions very conformable in all the necessary obligations of human nature, avoid one 66 * Animadversions on Cressy, 136, 137. CHAP. "another's conversation, and grow first unsociable, "and then uncharitable, to each other, because one cannot think as the other doth."* These words occur in a speech delivered by the Lord Chancellor, addressed to both Houses, at the adjournment of the Parliament, on the 13th of September, 1660. * Lords' Journals, xi. 175. In a similar spirit does he say, at the conclusion of his "Religion and Policy," written, as appears by the appended date, in February, 1674 (the last year of his life), that "when no mischievous action doth necessarily result from our opinions, how erroneous soever, we should be no more offended with each other for "those differences than for the distinct colour of our eyes or hair." Religion and Policy, ii. 711. CHAP. XIII. FINANCIAL MEASURES.-ARRANGEMENT MADE BY CLARENDON FROM IRELAND. 1664-1667. XIII. 1665. Financial WHILE viewing the internal politics of England, CHAP. I must advert to some important changes in the system of Finance; and, first, to the provisions of the money bill, which passed both Houses of Parliament in February, 1665. From the com- measures. mencement of the civil war till the restoration of monarchy the method of supply by grant of subsidies had been superseded by that of monthly or quarterly assessments on counties. After the Restoration the method of subsidies had been resumed; but it was found to be inconvenient and unproductive; and accordingly, in the bill for raising two millions and a half, voted on the motion of Sir Richard Paston, it was provided that the supply should be levied in three years, by twelve quarterly assessments, on the several counties of England and Wales: and thus the method CHAP. XIII. 1665. Taxation of of supply by subsidies was laid aside, and has never been revived.* This change was accompanied by another-a he clergy. change in the taxation of the clergy. They had been accustomed to tax themselves, granting subsidies in convocation, which grants were confirmed by act of parliament. Upon the introduction of assessments on counties, during the civil war, the clergy were taxed in common with the laity; but on the King's return, and on the resumption of the method of subsidies, they had resumed their privilege of taxing themselves. It was a privilege, however, which they appear to have valued little. They probably found it burdensome and invidious, and perhaps believed that, by submitting to be taxed with the rest of the community, they should bear a lighter burden than they had been obliged to impose on themselves. Considerations like these (as we are told by Echard) brought Sheldon and other leading prelates into communication, on this subject, with Clarendon, Southampton, and other of the ministers; and by a verbal agreement between Sheldon and Clarendon, it was settled that the clergy should waive their right of taxing themselves, and should be included in the forthcoming money bill. In consideration of this agreement, the clergy obtained the remission of two of the four subsidies which they had granted in the pre * A proviso for saving the ancient right of being taxed by way of subsidy was negatived. (See Commons' Journals, January 31. 1665.) This shows that a determination then existed to abandon this mode of taxation for ever. + Echard, 818. Burnet's Own Times, i. 340. note; iv. 508. note. XIII. 1665. ceding year. A proviso to that effect was inserted CHAP. in the bill; and also a proviso, that "nothing "therein contained shall be drawn into example, "to the prejudice of their ancient rights." The power of taxing in convocation was thus expressly reserved to the clergy, but it was never exercised again. Convocations met not unfrequently between this period and the reign of George I., and great efforts were made to increase their efficiency in all other matters affecting the church. Twice did the Lords address the throne, in 1675 and 1677+; and the claim of the convocation to be consulted on all ecclesiastical questions was ably advocated by the pen of Atterbury. But the pretensions put forth by the lower house of convocation, and their encroaching attempts to set themselves up as an ecclesiastical house of commons; their mischievous activity and factious violence; their evident hostility to the liberal principles of the house of Brunswick; and their denunciation of Hoadley, Bishop of Bangor, the friend of an administration to which they were opposed, who had preached in favour of religious liberty, conspired to produce a determination in the crown to put an end to their troublesome existence. The convocation was accordingly prorogued in 1717; and since that time it has never transacted any business. The clergy have obtained representation in another and a better mode; and since they gave up the right of taxing *Commons' Journals, Jan. 31. 1665. + Lords' Journals, Nov. 19. 1675; Feb. 22. 1677. |