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XLVI.

nourable exceptions, so licentious as to be terrible CHAP. only to its friends or the defenceless, and unfit to encounter a disciplined foe. The flight from Castlebar, the commotion excited by a handful of Frenchmen, are proofs of weakness, their so long continuance in hostile array, and their march a hundred and fifty-five English miles through the kingdom, in defiance of a hundred thousand regimented soldiers commanded by a viceroy of prime abilities. Sensible how dangerously situate was the country, the chief governor, on the surrendry of the French, thought an immediate return to the capital necessary to prevent insurrection in that quarter, which may account for the slowness of the troops left in the west in bringing relief to the loyalists of Killala. On the suppression at home of all armed opposition to government, the activity of his mind found employment enough in reducing the army under salutary discipline; in protecting the people from the violence of those, who abused, as far as in their power, the victory of the royal cause to the indulgence of every bad passion; in the re-establishment of general order throughout the kingdom; and in forwarding a new and important measure, wisely adopted by the British administration, when opportunity was given by the distractions of this country.

CHAP.

CHAP. XLVII,

XLVII.

Thoughts of

union.

Thoughts of legislative union-Public discussion of the question-Parliamentary discussion-Last session of the Irish parliament-Arguments against a union-Arguments for a union Address from Galway Articles of Union-Enaction of the bill of union-Consequences expected from the union -Resignation of CornwallisAccession of Hardwicke-Reflexions-Retrospect History of a history A base writer-Conclusion.

CHAP. AN object of wish with several persons of reflexion, who preferred the substantial interests of their coun+ a legislative try to private or local advantages, had long been, a legislative union of Great Britain and Ireland, or a political incorporation of the two kingdoms into one, an incorporation which might remove the baneful jealousies of national distinctness, the danger of a disruption in the political connection of the two islands, and the inconvenience of a system in which were two distinct legislatures mutually independent

in

appearance, and retained in connection by the pre

ponderance

ponderance of one.

XLVII.

Obstacles insurmountable to CHAP. the attainment of this object had hitherto been on one side commercial jealousy, the disgrace of Eng. land; on the other, national pride and prejudice, party spirit, local and personal interests. Perhaps in earlier times, when the importance of this country was unknown or disregarded in the English cabinet, a union might not have been attended with utility to Ireland. Such would have been the case in the reign of Edward the third, who in the year 1376, commanded representatives, two from each diocese, county, and town, to repair to him into England, to treat with his council. Representatives were sent, but not with full powers, the lords and commons at home reserving the right of granting or witholding subsidies, and protesting that their compliance in this instance should not in future be drawn into precedent to the prejudice of their privileges. Of this crude plan of union, which proved abortive, nothing further is known. In later times the cruel impolicy of the English parliament, which regarded the weakness of this country as the security of her dependence, was adverse to an arrangement favourable to her prosperity. Hence, when the Irish peers, in their addresses to queen Anne, in 1703 and 1707, expressed their wishes for a union, they were answered coldly, and no further notice was taken. Afterwards, when the nation, in spite of its great artificial disadvantages, was perceived to be gradually rising into importance, particularly when, by the exertions of the volunteers, its parlia

ment

XLVII.

CHAP. ment was declared independent in 1782, incorporation was earnestly wished by the British cabinet but no gleam of hope appeared for the accomplishment of a measure, which had long ceased to be relished by the peers, and had always been odious to the commons and to the mass of the people.

The nation became gradually disgusted with a parliament nominally independent, but totally subservient to the British cabinet, by the influence of money levied for that purpose from the nation itself. To render it really independent, great efforts were made for a reform of the representation of the people in the house of commons. This would have either augmented the evil by raising still higher the purchase of compliance, or would have tended to a total separation of this kingdom from Great Britain, a separation which the enemies of both would have eagerly promoted for the subjugation of both under a foreign yoke. By the delusive prospect of reform were numbers drawn into the system of United Irishmen, and many of these finally involved in a rebellion, of which they had originally no idea. Separation was the original object with the chief framers of this system, offended at the aukward situation of their country, exposed to all the inconvenience, and excluded from the benefits, of British government. Their schemes were desperate, since the completion of them would have thrown their country into the arms of Françe; and subjection to a foreign republic is the worst species of political slavery. Amid surrounding difficulties a road

XLVII.

road of safety to the unprejudiced was obvious, the CHAP. renouncing of a paradoxical independence by the incorporation of our government with that of Britain. For the attainment of this end an opportunity, wisely seized by the British minister, occurred on the overthrow of the rebellion, when the public mind was too much alarmed and distracted for effective opposition; while some feared to forfeit the favour which they conceived themselves to have acquired with government by their real or ostentive exertions in the cause of loyalty; others were reduced to a state of weakness; others were eager to take refuge under the parental protection of Britain from the tyranny of a faction, which might proceed to the execution of the most dreadful and dangerous measures on removal of the present viceroy; while the terrors of martial law still subsisted; and while all hopes were precluded of armed resistance by the numbers of British troops still remaining in the kingdom.

of the ques

1798.

Previously to its proposal in parliament, the ques- Discussion tion was fairly introduced to public discussion by an pamphlet, published under the auspices of government, by Edward Cooke, the under-secretary for the civil department, styled, "Arguments for and against a Union between Great-Britain and Ireland considered." Since by this were regarded as announced the sentiments of administration in favour of the measure, such a flame of controversy was kindled, that before the end of December, in 1798, not less than thirty pamphlets were published on this

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subject

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