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XXXVI.

CHA P. to crush him at once by the hand of power. For this purpose the interest of the court was exerted with such success, that in the October of 1749, the house of commons in parliament voted Lucas an enemy to his country, and, by humble addresses to the viceroy, requested the prosecution of the offender by the attorney-general, and the issuing of a proclamation for the seizure of his person. Unable to withstand so formidable a force, he retired into exile, whence he was destined to return, some years after, with augmented honour, to be elected a representative in parliament for the city of Dublin, in his pursuit of which office he had at this time been frustrated by ministerial influence.

Notwithstanding this partial defeat, the popular party was gaining strength. Under the viceroyalty of the earl of Harrington, who succeeded Chesterfield in 1746, a question was started concerning the disposal of national revenue in a particular case, which remained undetermined till the second administration of the duke of Dorset, who returned to Nevil. Ireland as the successor of Harrington in 1751. Pre

viously to this determination an important point was gained in the punishment of one of those delinquents of state, who had hitherto been protected from justice by the parliamentary influence of the cabinet. Arthur Jones-Nevil, a member for the county of Wexford, surveyor and engineer-general, was, in the March of 1752, on an examination by a committee of the house of commons, found guilty of scandalous embezzlement of the public money

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XXXVI.

in a contract for the building and repairing of CHAP. barracks; was ordered by a resolution of the commons to fulfil his contract without any additional charge to the public; and in the November of the following year, was expelled the house, on the report of a committee that he had not complied with this resolution.

VOL. II.

CHAP.

CHAP. XXXVII.

XXXVII.

National debt.

National debt of Ireland-Dispute about previous consent-Discontents- Kildare's memorial-Change of administration-Parliamentary transactions— National poverty and partial remedies-Violence of a mob-Threats of a French invasion-Thurot's descent-Whiteboys-Hearts of Oak-Parliamentary transactions-Octennial bill-New system of administration-News-papers-A parliament-Rejection of a money-bill-Second session of the Octennial parliament, &c.-Death of Lucas Hearts of Steel-Emigration to America.

CHAP. THE national debt of Ireland, which had been principally occasioned by an unlimited vote of credit, given to government by the house of commons in 1715, as an aid against the rebellion then excited in North-Britain, had, by the poverty of the nation, increased, in eighteen years, from sixteen thousand to three hundred and seventy-one thousand pounds. In the application of public money for the discharge of this debt, when, in some years afterwards, from the augmentation of the linen manufacture and some

other

XXXVII.

other favourable circumstances, the national poverty CHAP. had become in some degree diminished, an occasion was taken for a trial of parliamentary strength between the two factions of patriots and courtiers.

about pre

1753.

By an act amounting to a perpetual money-bill, in Dispute the reign of Charles the second, a hereditary revenue vious con. was settled on the crown, which proved more than sent. sufficient for the support of government till after the revolution, when an additional supply was granted by the commons. When, in 1749, of a surplus of two hundred and twenty thousand pounds, remaining in the treasury, after the discharge of all the expences of government, an act was passed for the application of a hundred and twenty-eight thousand five hundred pounds toward the payment of the national debt, a question arose, whether in the king or the commons resided the right of disposing of this surplus? If the redundancy had arisen from the hereditary revenue alone, the right of its disposal would have indisputably rested in the king; but it was of a compound nature, partly derived from the hereditary, partly from the additional duties.

The king was, however, assured by his judges and counsellors, that his previous consent was necessary for the application of this money. Therefore in 1751, when heads of a bill were certified into England for the discharge of a hundred and twenty thousand pounds of the national debt from a surplus of two hundred and forty-eight thousand in the treasury, the duke of Dorset, the lord lieutenant, informed the commons, in his speech from the

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XXXVII,

CHAP. throne, that his Majesty would graciously consent to such a disposition, and that he recommended the same to their consideration. In the bill transmitted into England the term consent was omitted by the commons, but it was inserted by the British cabinet, and, thus altered, the bill was passed on its return by the Irish parliament without opposition. In 1753, the patriots were more fully prepared for resistance. To apply to national uses, particularly the discharge of a part still remaining of the public debt, a considerable portion of almost three hundred and sixteen thousand pounds unappropriated in the treasury, a bill was transmitted with the same omission, and returned with the same alteration, as before; but, on account of this alteration, was rejected by the commons with a majority of five voices. The money, thus left unapplied, was all, except the sum of ́seventy-seven thousand five hundred pounds, which was given to extinguish the national debt, by virtue of a king's letter withdrawn out of Ireland, to the great detriment of the kingdom, in which the circulation of it in public works would have been of considerable advantage. The contest perhaps might have been avoided by the commons by the insertion of the word assent instead of consent; but an aristocratic party aimed at a forcible acquisition of power by opposing the court, and had the address to render the people the instruments and dupes of their ́ambition.

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Discontents.

To increase the discontent, occasioned by the withdrawing of the public money from Ireland, the favourers of the popular cause, who held employ

ments

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