He nuge feria ducunt

In mala;

as they tend to deceive, to difappoint, and to exafperate the minds of the vulgar, and to leave thofe of their betters difcontented, and diffatisfied with government; whatever fhall explain the true and fundamental caufes of this calamity to the people, and give fome check to the nonfenfe, which is every where wrote, talked, and propagated on this fubject, is an attempt, which may render great and important fervice both to the focial and the political world.

THE

TH

Britain to impofe taxes on her American colonies, and the expediency of exerting that right in the prefent conjuncture, are propofitions fo indifputably clear, that I should never have thought it neceffary to have undertaken their defence, had not many arguments been lately flung out,

both in papers and converfation, which with infolence equal to their absurdity deny them both. As thefe are usually mixt up with feveral patriotic and favourite words, fuch as Liberty, Property, Englifhmen, &c. which are apt to make strong impreffions on that more numerous part of mankind, who have ears but no underftanding, it will not, I think, be improper to give them fome anfwers: to this therefore I fhall fingly confine myself, and do it in as few words as poffible, being sensible that the feweft will give leaft trouble to myfelf, and probably most information to my reader.

The great capital argument, which I find on this fubject, and which, like an elephant at the head of a Nabob's army, being once overthrown, must put the whole into confufion, is this: that no Englishman is, or can be taxed, but by his own confent: by which must be meant one of these three propofitions; either that no Englishman can be taxed without

his own confent as an individual; or that no Englishman can be taxed without the confent of the perfons he chufes to reprefent him; or that no Englishman can be taxed without the confent of the majority of all thofe, who are elected by himself and others of his fellow-fubjects to reprefent them. Now let us impartially confider, whether any one of these propositions are in fact true: if not, then this wonderful ftru&ure which has been erected upon them, falls at once to the ground, and like another Babel, perifhes by a confufion of words, which the builders themselves are unable to understand.

First then, that no Englishman is or can be taxed but by his own confent as an individual this is fo far from being true, that it is the very reverfe of truth; for no man that I know of is taxed by his own confent; and an Englishman, I believe, is as little likely to be fo taxed, as any man in the world.

Secondly, that no Englishman is, or

can

can be taxed, but by the confent of thofe perfons, whom he has chofe to represent him; for the truth of this I fhall appeal only to the candid reprefentatives of thofe unfortunate counties which produce cyder, and fhall willingly acquiefce under their deter

mination.

Laftly, that no Englishman is, or can be taxed, without the confent of the majo rity of thofe, who are elected by himself, and others of his fellow-fubjects, to reprefent them. This is certainly as falfe as the other two; for every Englishman is taxed, and not one in twenty reprefented; copyholders, leafeholders, and all men poffeffed of perfonal property only, chuse no representatives: Manchester, Birmingham, and many more of our richest and most flourishing trading towns fend no members to parliament, confequently cannot confent by their reprefentatives, because they chufe none to reprefent them; yet are they not Englishmen? or are they not taxed?