not likely to make a plentiful and a cheap market; and, as forestallers and regrators were in that kind of commerce, what the factor, the warehouseman, and the merchant were in the other, so let them alone, and then as great a variety and as large a quantity of provisions would be brought to London (of itself an absolute desert in that particular respect) as of muslins and silks and spices and teas from the East; of lumber and staves and rice from the West; of furs and timber and hemp and pitch and tar, from the North; of slaves and gold dust and drugs and colours from the South. The motion for referring the petition to a committee was negatived without a division. SUBSIDIARY TREATY WITH THE LANDGRAVE OF HESSE THE CASSEL. December 5. HE session of parliament was opened on the 27th of November, and on the 5th of December, Mr. Pitt moved, "That 36,093. 158. be granted to his majesty, for defraying the charge of subsidy which will be due to the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel for the year 1788, pursuant to treaty." Upon this occasion, Mr. BURKE rose and declared, that although he had remained silent on the first day of the session, he had never given a vote with more heartfelt satisfaction; and he took that opportunity to declare, that he highly approved of the system of measures pursued with respect to Holland, and the renewal of continental connections. That was the system on which alone this country could expect to stand with safety and with honour. It was during our adherence to that system that Great Britain had been a glorious coun it would be considerably cheaper day after day; that there was already plenty of nice lamb at market, and in consequence of the kindness of Providence lately showered down upon the earth, the green peas were coming in, and every other article of luxury, both of meat and vegetables. As the worthy aldermen undoubtedly wished to ensure the continuance of having their napkins tucked under their chins, and as he was also desirous they should continue to make that characteristic appearance, he should oppose the motion for reviving the laws against regrators and forestallers. While they had plenty of provisions, he advised them not to go to loggerheads with the providers; but to let them fatten as well as themselves. In the instance before the House, the petitioners certainly acted under a mistake; but the errors even of the city of London were respectable; nay, their very ignorance ought not to be despised; and indeed they were ignorant only as to the manner of their being fed, as every body well knew. As he had been the humble instrument of moving the repeal of the laws against forestallers and regrators, he wished to stand up and prevent the dry bones of those gibbeted laws from being again clothed with flesh, and called from their merited fate into existence; but as he wished to treat the city of London with good humour, as they were willing to treat every body who visited them with good cheer, he hoped that so harsh a measure as the rejection of their petition would not be adopted; but that he might be permitted to move to put off the consideration of the motion till the first of August, by which time the aldermen would have had a sufficient number of delicious dinners to convince them, in their own way, of the impropriety of their purpose, as well as of its being altogether unnecessary. Mr. Burke spoke of the commerce in provisions, opposing it to commerce properly so called, and begged leave to ask the worthy alderman who had introduced the business, whether he was not aware that a free commerce was that species of commerce most likely to flourish and to prosper? Let him, therefore, ask himself whether a free commerce in provisions was not likely to make a plentiful and a cheap market; and, as forestallers and regrators were in that kind of commerce, what the factor, the warehouseman, and the merchant were in the other, so let them alone, and then as great a variety and as large a quantity of provisions would be brought to London (of itself an absolute desert in that particular respect) as of muslins and silks and spices and teas from the East; of lumber and staves and rice from the West; of furs and timber and hemp and pitch and tar, from the North; of slaves and gold dust and drugs and colours from the South. The motion for referring the petition to a committee was negatived without a division. SUBSIDIARY TREATY WITH THE LANDGRAVE of HESSE THE CASSEL. December 5. HE session of parliament was opened on the 27th of November, and on the 5th of December, Mr. Pitt moved, "That 36,0937. 158. be granted to his majesty, for defraying the charge of subsidy which will be due to the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel for the year 1788, pursuant to treaty." Upon this occasion, Mr. BURKE rose and declared, that although he had remained silent on the first day of the session, he had never given a vote with more heartfelt satisfaction; and he took that opportunity to declare, that he highly approved of the system of measures pursued with respect to Holland, and the renewal of continental connections. That was the system on which alone this country could expect to stand with safety and with honour. It was during our adherence to that system that Great Britain had been a glorious coun try, and the object of the admiration of surrounding nations. With regard to the constitution of other countries, he agreed perfectly with his right honourable friend *, in the opinion delivered by him on a former day, that it was not necessary for us to trouble ourselves with definitions of the legality of the government of this or that country, or the strict construction of its constitution; but, it was enough if we saw an opportunity of restoring that party to power, which was most likely to prove a valuable friend to Great Britain in the day of future difficulty. The law of nations allowed this, and it was certainly right to seize upon such an opportunity whenever it offered. Another maxim he held as a maxim of sound policy to pursue, and that was, where the interference of France could be counteracted, and her influence deprived of its power, to seize the moment and the means of effecting both objects. We could not be in the wrong, whenever this was probable to be atchieved. It was enough to know, that a French party in Holland had prevailed, for us to endeavour to drive that French party away, and disarm it of its power. With regard to subsidiary treaties as applicable to continental connections and a necessary branch of that system, generally considered, they were wise measures. But in proportion as the system was a system founded in sound policy, it ought to be constructed and put together with the most wary caution, so that all parts fitted and adhered closely, and gave the whole a degree of stability and strength to insure its permanency. The utmost care ought certainly to be taken to prevent such excellent systems from being disgraced and discredited by imperfections, and injurious consequences resulting from want of foresight at the period of the original negociation and conclusion of subsidiary treaties. These mischievous consequences it was, that had put so many great and good men out of humour with them, and therefore in proportion to the real policy *See Fox's Speeches, vol. iii. p. 333. of the measure itself, a provident regard ought to be had to the prejudices of mankind in order at least not to make them less fond of them. Under this view of subsidiary treaties, much might be said of the treaty with the Landgrave of Hesse, the excellence or disadvantage of which depended on a variety of considerations and circumstances, of the existence of which he was wholly ignorant; but he was ready to grant ministers a bill of credit, for the existence of such of them as could alone constitute the treaty on the table a beneficial treaty for this country. Upon the face of it, and its prominent features considered, only, it was an advantage to Great Britain to engage in a treaty for that purpose with the Landgrave of Hesse, who was young, of a martial spirit, fond of military life, and an able general. The right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer had done wisely in giving the Landgrave what he called a retaining fee; because, if a fit cause should arise, the Landgrave of Hesse would prove an excellent counsel on our side, and would undoubtedly produce more powerful arguments in our behalf, than he feared, he should be able to produce in the cause in which he should shortly have to plead at the bar of the House of Lords. The Landgrave of Hesse was an able general, and as there were few able generals in the world, he had no objection to our having an able general in our service. But, the whole effect of the treaty was not, as the right honourable gentleman had stated it, merely the giving the Landgrave of Hesse a retaining fee of 36,000l. per annum; the Landgrave of Hesse was too wise a prince to engage to furnish Great Britain with 12,000 men, whenever required, for the mere paltry consideration of 150,000 banco crowns per annum. The quan tum of banco crowns was not the only, nor, in fact, was it the most considerable advantage to be eventually derived from the treaty by the Landgrave. Those who looked at the treaty, and thought that it was merely a treaty of subsidy, left the great question out of the case, and judged only from one side of the object. By the treaty, this country stipulated to continue to guarantee the Landgrave of |