20. 31, deafo 7. 22, dead 2. 26, eadig I 7. 7, eare 12. 3, earum 4. 21, earlippricco 22. 50, eastres 2. 41, eastdæl 2. 1 (four times), eaðe 12. 58, eaðor 5. 23, eauað 3. 7, ædeaude 2. 15, eawung 8. 17, heafod 7. 46, heape 20. 37, geleafa 8. 48, hleafgewritten 16. 6, leas 18. 20, orleaso 17. 10, reado 6. 44, fellereade 16. 19, sceauade 20. 23, sceawandum 6. 10, sceawanne 23. 48, screadungum 16. 21 (besides scraedungra 9. 17, a scribal error), seam 22. 36, smeawungas 11. 17, gesmeadon 20. 14, stream 6. 48, teancuidum 20. 11, reata I 6. 8, read 6. 19; and in heannise 12. 29, heannissum 2. 4, where h has fallen before causing pal. uml. (S. 165, anm. 3; Bülb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 107; Lind.2 32; cf. also § 35).

Forms with eo: geceopad 19. 15, eoro I 8. 15 (once with eo, five times with ea), eostro 22. 1 (nine times with eo, once with ea, cf. also Lind.2 34), eode 14. 8, heonisum I 4. 1, bereofadon 10. 30, gespeoftad 18. 32 (the origin of this word is, however, uncertain-whether from WG. au or eu-cf. S. 384, anm. 5; 396, 2 a, and anm. 5; Ags. Voc., p. 30; Fo. 12).

Ceaolas 9. 17 should probably be classed under WG. au. For a discussion of its origin, cf. Lea 40; Lind.2 32, anm. 2; for the 0, cf. § 61, II, note 2.

OE. ea is limited in its occurrence by :-
(1) change to ẽ through i-umlaut, § 28;

(2) change to ẽ through palatal umlaut, § 35.

eu, iu.

§ 13. WG. eu appears as eo, ea, and in one instance io (S. 150, anm. 1; EB. 114 and anm. 1; Lind.2 37, 38).

I. eo: breost 18. 13, breosto 11. 27, cneoum 22. 41 (cneuum 5. 8, § 48), cneoreso 9. 41, 11. 29 (eo sixteen times), feortig I 4. 10 (eo five times), hreownise I 4. 7 (eo fifteen times), leof 9. 35, leof' 20. 13, leofost 3. 229 oferleor 22. 42 (cf. S., Ags. Voc., p. 34), treo 21. 29 (trewana § 48), treoufæst 19. 17, treofæsto 16. 11, getreoudon 18. 9,

geðeodo 21. 24, ellðeodigde 15. 13 (besides the forms with io, cf. II, below).

ea: forbeadende 23. 2, forbeada 6. 29, forbeadæ 9. 50, forbeadane I 6. 11, bead 16. 21, fearfald 19. 8, hreaunise 3. 8, gehreawsadon 10. 13 (besides gehreues 17. 4, hræwende I 9. 4, cf. § 47), hreaf I 4. 19, hreafo 4. 27, hreade 7. 24, seað 14. 5, seade 6. 39, leaf 3. 22, Seade I 2. 6, deað I 2. 6, deadum I. 6. 14, deadom I 10. 16, deaf 12. 33, bear 1. 15, gebearscip I 5. 2.

ea is found also in seado 12. 23, where it is from WG. iyu, cf. Got. siujan (Fü. 13). For gespeoftad, cf. § 12. Io: bebiodo 23. 46.

The preterites of the following red. verbs with ea, eo may be classed here, though strictly products of contraction originally: oncneaun 2. 50, ondrearde 18. 29 feall 8. 5, feoll 5. 12, gefeoll 1. 12, gefeald 4. 20, feol 5. 8, geheald 18. 21.

For eode, eade, cf. § 53.

II. Gmc. eu followed by i, j, became in WG. iu, and this in North. appears as io (EB. 110, 111, 113).

The examples in Luke are: diorwyrde 7. 25, lioda 8. 26, líoda 17. 11, gelioreð 21. 32 (cf. S., Ags. Voc., p. 34), geliorade I 2. 4, geliorad 21. 33, geliornises 9. 51, oferliorað 21. 23, onsione 9. 29, onsion 24. 5, stiorde I 5. 19, gestiorde I 5. 19, gestrionað 12. 21, ellðiodig 17. 18 (besides ell eodigde, cf. § 13, I), geðiodsumnise I 8. 1, diofonto 18. 20, Xiostrana 22. 53, Xiostriona 11. 36.

For the io in hiogwuisc 12. 39, hiorodes 2, 13, where it is due to the vocalizing of w, cf. § 61, II.

For hriofol 5. 15, hriofle 5. 12, cf. § 29.

eo, io are changed to ẽ, ī by palatal umlaut, §§ 36, 38.

ei, ai.

§ 14. For the special North. diphthongs ei and ai, cf. S. 155,3; EB. 505 and anm. 1, 2. The examples in Luke are-ei: ceigeð 20. 24, ceigde 8. 8, and all forms of the

verb ceiga; ceiste 7. 14, heiste 1. 32, heisto 1. 35, heigsta I 11. 17 (cf. also § 76), seista 1. 26, 36, teigðas 11. 44, teigðuncgas 18. 12, fifteido I 4. 6, fiftei de 3. 1, fifteih 7.41, sexdeih 24. 13. ai: fraignende I 6. 19, gefraignas 19. 31, gefraign 8. 30, cnaihtes 18. 16 (Fü. 14).

CHAPTER IV. CHANGES IN ACCENTED VOWELS THROUGH THE INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS

Influence of Nasals.

WG. a.

§ 15. I. WG. a before nasals appears almost entirely

as Q.

Before m and m+cons.: from 22. 16 (besides fram 12. 54), huommes 20. 17, lichomes 11. 34, lombro 10. 3, noma 10. 20, somnað 3. 17, somnunges 8. 41, womb 11. 27.

Before n and n+cons.: conn 1. 34, fonn 3. 17, hona 22. 34, hond 1. 71, lond 12. 16, monigo 7. 11, mon 6. 45, ondo I 4. 18; ond- in ondeton 10. 21, ondetnise I 6. 17, ondetung I 4. 17, ondget 24. 45, &c.; stondað 9. 27, pone 1. 59 (besides dene 9. 35, dæne 4. 27), donne 3. 13, on 21. 31; on- in onsæcne 14. 18, onwæld 22. 25, onwriting I 10. 8, &c.; wona 11. 41, huona I 3. 15, &c.

Before a guttural nasal: hongende I 11. 18, long 20. 47, gemong 23. 56, song 15. 25, strong 15. 14, donc 6. 32, Juongas 3. 16, wlonc 12. 21, nercsnawong 23. 43.

The vowel is retained in its original form in the second stem of st. vbs. Cl. III: geband 10. 34, unband I 9. 20, blann 7. 45, gedranc 5. 39, fand 7. 9, ingann 24. 27, agann 11. 38, gelamp 8. 42, gearn I 11. 9 (with metathesis), gesang 22. 60, bewand 2. 7. The o appears in conn, cf. above.

For the a in am 1. 19, cf. S. 43, anm. 2; Fü. 15; Sweet, HES. 442.

Loan-words: gecomp 22. 44, (heafod)ponna 23. 33, oferplontiað 17. 6, geplontad 13. 6. a remains in angel 1. 26 (five times, otherwise with i-umlaut, § 22, III), camal 18. 25.

II. This 9 was lengthened to ō on the falling out of the nasal before a voiceless spirant (§ 66, II): oder 22. 32, soð 1. 1, toðana 13. 28.

III. Before ŋ the change from a to nasalized ā took place in Gmc. on the falling out of the nasal; this ā appears always as ō: brohte 14. 20, gebroht I 5. 11, geJohte 1. 29, dohton 9. 45, doht 1. 51, woh 3. 5, wohfull 19. 22, ahoh 23. 21, ahoen 23. 23, onfoað 11. 10, &c. (cf. also § 53). For the possible shortening in brohte, geðohte, &c., cf. S. 125.

WG. a.

§ 16. WG. à(=Gmc. æ, North. e) before a nasal becomes ō: cuome 4. 34, cuomon 22. 52, mona 21. 25, moneð 1. 36, nomon 11. 52, sona 1. 64.

In the second stem of the verbs cuma and nima, instead of o, we have ō: cuom 5. 32, cwom 19. 10, fornom 8. 29, ofgenom I 2. 17 (S. 390).

huon 12. 48, huonum I 7. 19, &c., may belong here (Lea 48; Fü. 15, 4; Lind.2 45; Fo. 15, IV).

This ō is subject to i-umlaut, § 25.

WG. e.

§ 17. WG. e becomes i before m: nimed 13. 33, fornimeð 9. 54, niming I 5. 3. The u in nummanne 1. 25 is on the analogy of the pret. part. numen. This i is subject to u/o-umlaut, § 32 (b), (c).

WG. o.

§ 18. WG. o before simple nasals becomes u (S. 70): cuma 18. 16, cuummanne 13. 45, fruma I 2. 12, (bryd)guma

5. 34, summer 21. 30, huniges 24. 42 (for wyniges, cf. § 24), Juneri I 9. 10, wuna 24. 29, gewunade 1. 56, geuna 4. 16, wyrtruma 8. 13.

This u is subject to i-umlaut, § 24.

§ 19. Before r+cons.

Breaking.

I. a before r+cons. is broken to ea: gecearf I 9. 16, ofcearf 9. 9, olebearua 22. 39, olebearu 21. 37 (S. 103, anm. 1), geearnadon I 9. 3, earnas 17. 37, gearuu 12. 40, gearo 22. 33, gearwiga 1. 76, heard 19. 3, nearo 13. 24 (in such forms the breaking is brought over from cases where the w is not vocalized, S. 103, anm. 1, cf. also § 61, III), scearflice I 9. 4, inweard 11. 39, útteweard 11. 39, geonduearde 14. 6 (for forms with wa-, wæ-, cf. § 46; wo-, § 57, I). geruað I 11. 2 is probably a scribal error for gearuað (but cf. Lind.2 48, anm. 1).

a occurs without breaking in arme 1. 51, armum 2. 28, arð 4. 34 (where it is probably due to the lightness of the accent, cf. Sweet, HES. 442; Lea 13, 3; Fü. 16, 1; EB. 454), barm 6. 38, barme 16. 22, darr 20. 40, harmcuoedum 6. 28, naronede I 8. 6, darfe 21. 3, ðarflic I 3. 7, nedðarf I 2.8 (besides forms with æ: dærfe 16. 20, dærflicra I 7. 19; cf. Lea 11, 4; and with o: dorfe I 9. 3, &c., with the vowel taken over from the pret.).

Other words with a before r+cons. are: dærst (sb.) 12. 1, dærsto I 8. 16, dærstum 3. 7, 12, dærstana 22. 1, 7, gedærsted 13. 21 (which may be due to i-umlaut, Lind.2 64, a), biwærlas 11. 42, biwærlde 10. 31, ymbwærlde 7.9 (Füchsel's explanation of this difficult word will be found in Fü. 16, 1; cf. also Lind.2 65).

Breaking is omitted before the r-combinations resulting from metathesis in gærs 12. 28, arn 15. 20 (S. 79, anm. 2; Kal. 57, anm. 13); Bülbring on the contrary considers metathesis as earlier than breaking in Anglian EB. 132,