PART I PHONOLOGY A. THE VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES CHAPTER I. SHORT VOWELS a. § 1. I. In the Lindisfarne Gospel of Luke, a in originally closed syllables normally appears as a (S. 49). (a) Examples of a before simple consonants, or those doubled only by the scribe, occur in 1 and 3 sing. pret. ind. of st. vbs. Cl. IV, V: bæd 5. 12, baed 7. 3, gebræc 9. 16, gebær 1. 24, cuæð 14. 25, agæf 9. 42, ongæt 5. 22, gelæg 5. 25, eftsæt 7. 15, spræc 9. 11; in the pret. of the root, wes: was 2. 2, &c.; in the pret.-pres. vb., maga: mæg 10. 25, 14. 20; in the imper. of st. vbs. Cl. VI: wræc 18. 3, fær 13. 31 (this form always appears in the imper. in North., as opposed to the WS. far, cf. Bülb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 90; S. 49, anm. 2; 368, anm. 2). Other examples: æt I 9. 8, ætt 10. 39, æf (dæl) 19. 37, æfgroefa 12. 58, æf (sægð) I 8. 5, bæc I 6. 14, bæcc 17. 31, dæg 1. 80, lehtfæt 8. 16, fær (subst.) 10. 33, tofær 9. 31, gætt 13. 24, glæd 23. 8, huæd 10. 35, hues 12. 40, huæt 8. 9, рæð 16. 26, ðæs 11. 29, dæt 5. 6 (usually, however, represented by p). The retention of a in ac (ah) I 6. 18, and was 22. 59, may be due to the weak accent (S. 49, anm. 1; EB. 454). (b) Examples of a before consonant groups are: æfter 17. 30, cræfte I 2. 1, dærsto I 8. 16 (cf. § 19, I), færwitfulla 12. 26 (besides feruitgiornis I 3. 9, cf. (c) below), fæstlice B 7. 49, gefrægn I 9. 16, gefraegn 9. 18 (besides gefraign 8. 30, v. § 14), ongægn I 9. 16 (for the possibility of this æ being due to i-umlaut, cf. Lind.2 9, anm. 2; 66), gærs 12. 28 (for the absence of breaking, v. § 19, I), hrægle 10. 13, linenhrægla 24. 12, waghræl 23. 45, onsæcne 14. 18, wæstm 1. 42 (S. 165, anm. 3; Fü. I, 1; Fo. 1, II); the pret. ind. and opt. and the pret. part. of habba and sæcga: hæfde 19. 20, 17. 6, hæbde 8. 6, sægdon I 10. 3, sægde 14. 21, gesægd I 4. 4; and the pret. opt. wælde 1. 62. hondbæftadon 23. 27 is doubtful, cf. § 53, VII. soðhuædre 19. 27 belongs here if we assume two stems, one in old a, to account for the forms with æ, which are rare in Luke, and one in old e, to account for the more usual forms with e (cf. § 2) and oe (cf. § 41) (Morsbach, Schriftsprache, p. 30; ME. Gr., p. 131; Bülb., Angl. Beibl. 10. 368; Fü. 1, 1). The ∞ in the pres, opt. hæbbe 8. 18, wælle 10. 22 (unless this form belongs under § 22, I, note), and in the pres. part. habbend 7. 2; and the a in habba 24. 39, habbanne 21. 36, habbas 12. 4, hlattade 1. 21, hlatto 12. 45, asca 10. 13, 9.5, support the view of S. in Ags. Voc., pp. 15, 16, that, before doubled consonants and sc, a becomes æ if a palatal vowel follows, but a is retained if a velar vowel follows. This law fails to explain hlætto 12. 45, wallo 20. 3 (for the latter, however, cf. § 22, I, note). For the a in fasne 8. 44 v. Fo. 1, II. (c) e in place of ae appears in cwed 24. 19, gecueð 13. 17, gefregn 38. 36, agef 4. 20 (pret.; cf. also § 50), eftersona 23. 20, feruitgiornis I 3. 9 (Lind.2 16, anm. 2, considers this as WG. e or i). In hehstaldes, e is used throughout: hehstald 1. 27, hehstaldes 1. 27, &c. (S. 398, 3, and Cook, Gl., give this word as heh-; but cf. Fü. i, 1; Lind.2 11). II. WG. a in orig. open syllables appears partly as a, partly as æ. (a) If the following syllable contains a velar vowel, a remains. Examples of a occur in the following verbal forms: ala 11. 44, aron 24. 38, hafo 12. 50, gehlaðas 14. 17, gemacade I 5. 13, magon 11. 46, onsuarade 5. 3, getalade 11. 38; also in acasa 3. 9, apoltre 6. 22, dagana 14. 10, dagum 1. 5, fadores 6. 23, fadorum 1. 72, fato 17. 31, fraco 16. 25, raccentegum 8. 29, sagum I 2. 10, stafum 23. 38, staras 1. 26 (the a is given as long by Kl.-L.; v. under starling, but cf. Lind.2 12, anm.), ðafanda 22. 5, wacan 12. 38, waccane 12. 38, wraco I 9. 12. In onsuare I 9. 16, the final e is weakened from u, and a is therefore retained. Through analogy to other forms in the inflection, a is found instead of a in the verbal forms hæfo 12. 17 (besides hafo, v. above), færað 10. 10 (besides gefara, v. above), onsæca 14. 18, onsæcca 20. 27; also in hondhæfum 11. 46, ondsuær (=-um) 2. 47, wræcco 18. 5 (orig. an open syllable; besides wraco, v. above). e for æ appears in ondsuere 2. 26 (cf. onsuare, above). For plægade 7. 32, v. S. 236, anm. 13, b. (The ∞ points to an old e-stem.) (b) If the following syllable contains an orig. e (not weakened from a velar vowel), WG. a regularly appears as æ. Examples: dæge 1. 59, fæder 14. 21, fæte I 5. 17, glæde 1. 14, ræðe 18. 8, stæfes 16. 17, wræcce 18. 8 (belongs to wræc, cf. Lind.2 12, a), wæter 7. 44; the optatives gefære 18. 25, mæge 3. 8, the 2 and 3 sing. pres. ind. and the sing. imper. hæfis 19. 25, hæfeð 12. 19, hæfe 10. 35, sægeð I 3. 11, sæge 8. 39 (but for these forms cf. Streitberg, Urg. Gram. p. 306 ff.; Bülb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 90, 93, 108; Lind.2 10). The opt. onseca I 6. 7 has æ, perhaps on the analogy of the opt. with the palatal ending. Cæfertune 22. 55 (besides ceafertun 11. 52, v. § 50) may belong here, otherwise with § 22, I (d), cf. Lind.2 10. In the infin. mæge I 7. 5, we find a followed by e weakened from a. For the æ in hlætmest, fæst'n, ætgædre, and in the pres. part. and infin. of st. vbs., Cl. VI, v. § 22, I (c); for mægen, mægden, gæfel, geslægen, &c., v. § 22, I (d). Through the influence of analogy, a appears where we should expect æ in fatte 8. 16 (besides fæte, above), fader 3. 8 (besides fæder), hafeð 17. 9 (besides hæfeð). Loan-words: for cælc, cælce, cf. § 22, I (d); ælmíso, v. § 22, I (b); cærcherne, § 34. The æ in sæcerdhad 1.18 would appear to indicate that the short quantity of the Latin original was sometimes retained in North.; æ is likewise found in sæcerdhad Mk. I 1. 20, and in sæcerd twice in Ru.2 (v. Lind.2 14). a remains in sacerd 1. 5, sacerdum 17. 14, sacerdhades 1. 9 (for its length, cf. Pog. 168; S. 50, anm. 5; Ags. Voc., p. 10). 25, a is retained in asald 14. 5, assald 13. 15, calic 22. 42, calicer 11. 39 (Pog. 216 considers as long), camal 18. carcern 12. 58, oftrahtung I 8. 10, getrahtade I 3. 2. III. WG. a appears as o (not g) on account of lack of accent (cf. S. 51, 65, anm. 2; EB. 454; Fü. 1, 3): of 5. 10, on 21. 31, don 2. 19, huod-(huoegu) 22. 35, huot(huoego) 7.40. For orig. a in the second members of compounds, v. § 57. WG. a is limited in its occurrence by : (1) The change to o before nasals, § 15. (2) Breaking to ea (eo) before r-combinations, § 19. (5) Change to e, æ, through i-umlaut, § 22. e. § 2. WG. e occupies about the same ground as in WS., except that it remains unchanged after a palatal consonant and is more subject than in WS. to the |