no knowledge) has therefore authority which I highly respect, in its favour; and nothing which I have heard in the course of this debate, has altered that favourable impression. The objection that the Protestant part of the community would thus be taxed, in order to raise the funds out of which the Roman Catholic clergy are to be paid, may be met by asking whether the Catholics do not contribute to the taxes out of which the Regium Donum to a portion of the dissenting Protestant Church in Ireland is yearly paid? Observe, I am not saying that the payment of tithes by Roman Catholics to the Protestant established Church, forms

any precedent

That payment that the Pro

for this argument: no such thing. is necessarily incident to the fact testant Church is the legal establishment. To every thing which can ameliorate the system of collecting tithes to every thing which can tend to shift the burthen of it from those who could not, to those who could bear it, I am willing to give (and this and the other House of Parliament have given) the most anxious and favourable consideration. Any measure which should go to invade the establishment of the Irish Protestant Church, and to alienate the property assigned for its support, I am firmly prepared to resist.

But the Regium Donum to the Presbyterian church appears to be in point of principle, the very measure of which it is now proposed to extend to

the Catholic, and seems to afford a precedent on which it might safely be modelled, when the time shall come for settling the details of such an arrangement.

Sir, I have thought it fair to state the present impression on my mind, with regard to the fortyshilling freeholders, and to the provision for the Catholic clergy (subject as that impression is, to be modified hereafter, by more perfect information than I now possess), because many gentlemen have stated the carrying of those measures to be a condition of their support to the bill now on the table. For the sake of their support, I shall be anxious to vote, if I can, in favour of those measures; but in case they should not be carried, or in case I should myself, on further explanation and discussion, see reason to disapprove of them, I will not, therefore, withdraw my support from the present bill.

Those measures may be auxiliary to the bill for the relief of the Roman Catholics from civil and political disabilities; but I do not intend to wed myself to them or to either of them. I am wedded only to the great question itself that question which involves the future tranquillity of Ireland, and therein the general welfare of the British Government and nation.

Sir, this declaration recalls to my mind the only other point on which I wish to say a few words, and with which I shall conclude. In proportion

as we become great and powerful-as our resources continue to out-grow the resources of other nations; it is in human nature that something of an invidious feeling towards us, should grow up in the world. It is a fact which implies no sentiment of enmity, no hostile spirit towards us. It is, as I have said, in the nature of men, that rivalry should generate, not hatred-but perhaps envy-and a desire to seek for consolation in some weaker point of the character of a too successful competitor. Never was there a moment at which the continuance of peace throughout the world was more probable. But even in peace, the wary politician will calculate the means, and forecast the chances of war.

I say, then, that whatever rival nation looks jealously into the state of England to find a compensation for all her advantages, and a symptom of weakness amidst all her power, will fix-does fix-as if by instinct, its eyes on the state in which we keep the Catholic population of Ireland. "There," they say, "is the weakness, there is the vulnerable point of England." How sad that they should say this with so great a semblance of truth!

Shall we then continue still to cherish a wound that is seated near the vital parts of our greatness? shall we not rather disappoint those who wish us ill (if such there be) and give comfort and confidence to those who wish us well, by closing

the wound which has so long remained open and rankling, and by taking care that before we are ever again called upon to display the national resources, or to vindicate the national honour, it shall be so far healed, as that not even a cicatrice is left behind.

Such a state of things, Sir, is, in my conscience, I believe, as practicable as it is desirable. My earnest prayer is, that the House may adopt such measures as will tend to accelerate so blessed a consummation. And, as it is my hope, that the bill now before us, if it should pass, will tend to that result, I give my cordial support to the motion that it be now read a second time.

The question being put, "That the word now' stand part of the question,"

RELIGIOUS ANIMOSITIES IN IRELAND.

MAY 26th, 1825.

MR. S. RICE Submitted the following motion, "That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House, copies or extracts of any letters or despatches which have been received from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, respecting the origin, nature, and effects of religious animosities in that country, and the best means of allaying those animosities, with a view to the tranquillization and good government of Ireland, and the strength and security of the empire."

MR. SECRETARY CANNING* rose, evidently labouring under severe indisposition, and spoke for some time in a tone so low as to be scarcely audible. He began by expressing a hope, that a very little persuasion was necessary to induce the honourable member for Limerick not to press the motion which he had introduced to the House. There were, however, he said, some topics which had been alluded to in the course of the debate, with regard to the subject in which that motion had originated, which the House would, perhaps, excuse him, if he briefly referred to, in his

turn.

Two views of the question had been taken by the honourable and learned member for Winchelsea, in neither of which could he at all agree. No man, he would venture to say, could attach more importance to the claims of the Roman Catholic population of Ireland'than himself; but,