balanced this way, and that way, a piece of blame here, a piece of praise there, with censure and applause so beautifully blended and contrasted, that no man can venture to pronounce which ingredient predominates. To such gentlemen nothing certainly could be so disagreeable as to find the Government taking upon itself the part of mediator, and thus occupying the situation which they considered as exclusively their own, and which, it appears, on the present occasion, the honourable member for Taunton was particularly anxious to occupy. He would fain have had the Government assume a different course, and say to those who want all-you shall have nothing; and to those who wish to retain every thing-you shall give up all; in order that he might have had the opportunity of correcting the extravagance of the Government, and saying, "No, you must make one party concede this, and the opposing party, give up that; a government ought to avoid the excesses of a partisan." This, Sir, is exactly what the Government has done. It has, as I have said, assumed the position of mediator; and the honourable gentleman appears to be exceedingly disappointed that the situation which he had marked out for himself is thus filled.

The post of mediator being thus occupied, the honourable gentleman is now all for extremes ; Why do you thus hesitate?" says the honourable gentleman; "why temporize with the question?

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why not decide it once for all and settle it for ever? If there be danger in decision, you ought to meet it manfully, and look it boldly in the face." This, Sir, is advice very easily given by those who are not responsible for the consequences of following it. But the honourable gentleman's advice and example are not in exact accordance with each other. If, like him, we had balanced between theory and practice, we should have done nothing. But keeping his wisdom for himself, to us he gives advice which would be sure to lead us into difficulties. "Look the danger boldly in the face," says he. Allow me to ask, what does the honourable gentleman mean by looking the danger boldly in the face? for I protest I do not understand him. Does he mean that slavery shall continue as it is? or does he mean to recommend immediate emancipation? If the honourable gentleman counsels either of these extremes, and will have the goodness to say which of them he means to counsel, he will be at least intelligible, he will have recommended a decisive measure. The bold course of which he speaks would undoubtedly be to adopt one of these extremes; but in the most perfect sincerity, I declare I cannot make out which of the two is his favourite. The Government, however, has adopted a middle course; and this milder mode of proceeding is precisely that, which, if we had adopted either of his bold courses, the honourable member would have

been delighted to have an opportunity of recommending.

The course now proposed by His Majesty's Government will, as we believe, effect every thing which, after mature deliberation, we believe can be safely attempted at this time. I know that there are persons connected with the West Indies, who wish to force the Government to say more on this subject; to extort from us a further declaration of the views which we entertain for the future. They wish us to give a pledge that no more shall ever be done than is now proposed. But I will not commit myself on this subject.

The honourable gentleman (Mr. Buxton) opposite, is not more vehement in his abhorrence of slavery in the abstract than I am. But I have a repugnance to abstract declarations. I am desirous of acting on this, as I would do on all other occasions, on the best information that I can obtain, with a view to practical benefit: I am desirous of taking moderation, equity, justice, and sound policy, for my guides. But I will not consent to be fettered by any engagements express, or implied. I will not be led by either side, or in either sense, to declarations from which it may be impossible to advance, and dangerous to retreat. If it would be improper to declare an intention of stopping here, it would be equally improper to hold out any pledge of ulterior and accelerated measures. The question is not-it

cannot be made a question of right, of humanity, of morality merely. It is a question which contemplates a change, great and difficult beyond example; one almost beyond the power of man to accomplish; a change in the condition and circumstances of an entire class of our fellow creatures; the recasting, as it were, of a whole generation of mankind. If this be not a question requiring deliberation, cautious and fearful deliberation, I know not what can be so. Sir, we must proceed in it with the extremest circumspection; we must watch the signs of the times, taking advantage of every favourable occurrence ; but reserving a discretion and freedom of action, which it would be madness wantonly to throw away.

Whatever, therefore, may be the opinion of the honourable member for Taunton, I will not consent to depart from the course, which, after the most mature consideration, the Government has determined to adopt. I will cheerfully resign to him either of the extremes, between which alone he conceives the choice to lie: but I will not be shamed by any thing which the honourable gentleman can say, out of our moderate and middle course of policy, into one which, because we have not adopted it, he calls by the name of decision, but which, if we had been unadvised enough to engage in it, he would justly have characterized as rashness.

The question was then put, and leave was given to bring in a Bill for the more effectual suppression of the African Slave Trade.

EVACUATION OF SPAIN BY THE FRENCH

ARMY.

MARCH 18th, 1824.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL submitted the following Motion, "That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House copies or extracts of any communications that have been received from the Government of France respecting the Evacuation of Spain by the French Army."

SIR R. WILSON seconded the motion in a most interesting speech, in which he gave a detail of the Spanish campaign, in which the honourable and gallant member had himself borne a conspicuous part.

MR. E. J. LITTLETON moved the following Amendment:"That this House being satisfied of the firmness and sound policy which have guided His Majesty's councils in respect to the late hostilities between France and Spain, and considering the several conditions with which His Majesty's declaration of neutrality in that contest was qualified, sees nothing in the present circumstances that calls upon the House to express any apprehension of a permanent military occupation of the Spanish territory by France." MR. GOOCH Seconded the Amendment.